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3 1833 01083 671 






The Pioneer Colonist in Casco Bay. 


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Alttioii of GicorjiE ('i.kkve of Casci^ Bay, Tiik British Invasion from 

TilF iSloRTH, Sni FEKI)I\\>'I>rt GoUGES ANI> HIS 

PnoviNCE OF Maine, \c., &c. 



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Printed for the GORGES SOCIETY, Portland, Maine. 

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Gor(;es Society. 





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Two Hundred CoriKS. 




[Preface, - - - - - - - vii 

Memoir op^- Christopher Levett, . . - i 

/\ Voyage into New Exgeand, - - - 89 

Al'l'ENDIX, - - - - - - - 140 

IXDEX, - - - - - - - - 152 



The City of York, England, in Levett's Time, i 

The Church of St. Michael le Belfry, 
Title page of Voyage into New England, 

Map of Old York, 

L E V ETT G E N E a 1 ,0G Y , 





P R }<: F A C H . 

The Maine Historical Society published in 1847 "^ 
book of thirty-four pages, bearing the attractive title of 
''A P^oyage into New England^ begun in 1623 and ended 
in 1624, Performed by Christopher Levcft, His Majesty s 
]Voodivard of Somersetshire, and one of the Cotineil of 
N'ew England, printed at I^ondon by JVilliam fones and 
sold by Edward Brewster, at the sign- of the Bible, in 
Panfs CJinrehyard, 1628." 

This reprint of a very rare book was of considerable 
interest to historical students, and their interest in the 
book naturally awakened an interest in its author; 
hence, the frequent enquiry, " Who was Christopher 
Levett ? " The most that was known about him was 
that he was a Yorkshireman, and tliat when he wrote 
his book, he was livinij; at Sherborne, in Dorsetshire. 
Certainly it was evident that he was a nian of some im- 
l)()rtance, since lie was the King's Woodward of Somer- 

viii PREFACE. 

setshire, and a Councillor of New England, besides being 
a captain in the royal navy, and an author ; but a year's 
search of the resristers of Sherborne and neio'hborino^ 
parishes failed to reveal anything respecting him. In a 
visitation of the county, however, made in 1623, was 
found the name of his wife and several of his children, 
which was considered valuable information, since it 
gave some idea of Levett's social status. Of course the 
parishes in the city and neighborhood of York demanded 
attention ; but a patient search of their registers re- 
vealed but little. The early seat of the family was found 
at Normanton, Yorkshire, and in the ancient church in 
that town was found an interestingr tomb erected to 
Elizabeth Levett, the founder of a oirls' school there. 
A further search of old records disclosed the fact, that a 
branch of the family settled at Melton, wlicre, in the 
old church, founded in the rei^fn of Henry I, was found 
a stained window bearing the Ecvett arms. The regis- 
ters of numerous i)arislies in Yorkshire were carefully 
searched, but althou^l^ Levelts were found here and 
there, offshoots of the Normanton family, Christopher 
for a long time strangely eluded discovery. Finally, 
however, a number of im}:)()rtant items came to light; 
first, his ba})tism on April fifth, 1586, and the name of 
his father, Percival,and of his mother, lilizabetli Rother- 

ford ; 

I , 
\ 1 


ford ; and later his marriage to Mercy More in the 
Church at Guislcy in i6oS, and the baptism of their 
four children at All Saints' Pavement in York. The 
families of his father and mother and of his wife were 
also traced through records, all of wliich occupied time, 
but were not fruitless. 

A considerable collection of manuscript notes had 
now been gathered, which, with numerous letters from 
antiquaries and others to the author, were arranged in 
a scrap book in chronological order, and the search was 
continued in other directions. In the office of the Public 
Records, London, important matters turned up; a letter 
written by Levett to Buckingliam's Secretary ; the letter 
book of Lord Conway, containing items relating to 
Levett's New England affairs, and a proclamation of 
Charles the First, relating to the same subject; but 
after an extended search of several years more, a most 
valuable find was made, at Melbourne House, in Derby- 
shire, the old residence of Secretary Coke, comprising a 
number of letters written by Levett to the Secretary, 
which disclosed many important facts relative to the 
writer. By pernn'ssion of Lord Cowper, Mr. r\ane most 
kindly copied these invaluable documents, and they 
were added to a collection which was growing apace. 

But there was one discoura<'ini>" thiivj:;: after 1628, 



I (■ 



persistent search failed to find anything whatever relat- 
ing to Levett, except a single scrap in 1632, mentioning 
an inheritance of one of his daughters from her father. ^ 
This revealed tJie important fact that he was dead at 
this date. In Winthrop's Journal was an entry to the 
effect, that when the Governor landed at Salem in 1630, 
John Endicott and " Captain Levett " came on board 
his ship to welcome him, and somewhat later, that " Cap- 
tain Levett " died at sea on his return voyage to England. 
Was this Christopher Levett ? No proof could be 
adduced in support of suxh a suj^position, and the simple 
query elicited disapprobation, as unreasonable as unex- 
pected. The query was certainly a proper one, and the 
most that could reasonably be said in reply was, that it 
might or might not have been. At last, however, a visit 
was paid to Ih-islol, England, th.e liome of the Cabots, 
for the purpose of examining the ancient records there 
for matters relatinir to some of the earlv Colonists of 
New England. Amomj other records th.ose of the Pro- 
bate of Bristol were examined, and. Eureka ! here was 
the proof that the " Captain Levett" of Winthrop was 
the veritable Christopher himself, the unquestionable 
proof, comprised in a brief record, to the effect, that his 
wife, I'rances, administered upon his effects brouglit to 
lirist(,)l by the ship u})on wliich he died. 



■ •> 


' PREFACE. xi 

The author had now gathered enough to throw con- 
siderable light upon this first, hitherto unknown ow^ner, of 
Portland soil, and this he now presents in the following 
pages, to those who are interested in such subjects, 
regretting deeply that he has been unable to give his 
readers a more complete account of the man himself. 
To some it will doubtless seem that the result of his 
undertaking is too insii^nificant to warrant the labor 
bestowed upon it. - 

Before closins:, the author should ackowledije favors 
received from historical friends. He cannot too fully 
express his deep sense of obligation to Dr. Francis 
Collins, formerly of the Charter House, London, and 
now^ of Fulford, York, who has, to use the words of the 
late Rev. Frederick Brown, '' lovincrlv aided '' the author 
in his researches. His warm thanks are likewise due 
to Dr. John Sykes, of Doncaster, and W'm. Noel Sanis- 
bury, Esq., of the Rolls House, London. To Dr. Chas. 
E. Banks, Hubbard W. Bryant and Henry F. Waters, 
the author is also indebted for favors. 

A closino- word in relation to Levett's book: this 
it was thought best to reproduce with all its quaint spell- 
ings and abbreviations; indeed, with all its errors. The 
author has always doubted the propriety of reproducing 
abbreviations and errors, or unusual departures from the 


! ♦ 




modern orthographical standard, but the custom of 
printing ancient books in their original forms has been 
adopted by so many eminent historical scholars, that he 
has thought it prudent to follow, viore consueto. 


Mackworth Island, Sept. i8, 1S9 







i^C^liHE family of Levett' is of ancient orio-in, and 
i¥k WM in the reio'n of Henry the seventh, was seated 
I^^^^i ^t Normanton in Yorkshire," where it had 
flourished for many generations. 

A branch of the family, through marriage with an 
heiress, took root at Melton, as we know from a deed of 

r The name is frequently so spelt 
in ancient annals, and is the funn 
used by the subject of this memoir, 
as will be seen by reference to his 

2. Tills ancient family is repre- 
sented in the Normanton church by 
a brass tablet bearin;j; the arms of 
Levett. sable, a fess embattled, coun- 
ter embattled between three lions, 
heads erased, ardent, with this in- 
scription : 

" Here lieth entombed the body of 

llobcrt, son of Thomas Levett, 

of Normanton, Gilt., who was 

buryed tlie 20 day of March, 


Anno Dni. 1GS7, 
.'Etatis Su.x\ 29." 
Also the foHowing inscription may 
be setMi here : 

" Normanton Church, 
To the Memory 
of Mrs. Elizabeth Levett, widow, who 
by lier will, vested in 5 l'rnstees£200, 
the interest of one for the use of the 
Poor of Normanton, Snydale. 
The interest of the other for a Darae 
to teach t!ie Girls of Normanton 
Sc Woodhouse to read, knit & sow. 
She also gave £50, half of it condi- 
tionally to build a poor iiouse & 
the other for the use of the poor." 


partition of lands, dated the twentieth of June In the 
fourth year of that reign^ ; besides, the family coat of 
^ arms may still be seen emblazoned upon a stained glass 
window In the venerable church of Melton, which was 
founded in the reign of the first Henry. 

Other offshoots from the family took root here and 
there in Yorkshire ; indeed, for many generations they 
did not grow beyond the limits of the old county, and 
the persistency with which they clung to It made them 
distinctly a Yorkshire family^ ; hence we may understand 
why Christopher Levett, the subject of this brief mono- 
graph, entitled himself on several occasions as of York, 
even after he had removed to another countv in the 
English realm. It was but an exhibition of family pride 
quite as pardonable as natural. 

Christopher Levett was one of a family of four chil- 
dren born in tlie city of York, where he received baptism 
at All Saints Pavement on April 5, 15S6. 

His father was Percival Levett, innkeeper, who was a 
man of character and influence, since he was made free 
of the city in 15S1 ; filled the office of City Chamberlain 

in 1584, 

3. Vide Ilunter.-i' South York- ; itatiou of Yorkshire, p. 544 ; Harleiau 
shire, London, 1S2S. Vol. I, p. 305. Society's rublications, Vol. VIII. p. 

4. Vide Berry'.s Sussex Clc-uealo- 437; Hunters' Deanery of Doncaster, 
gics. pp. 220,373; Dallaway's Sus.x'x, \ Vol. 1, p. 305; Miller.s' History of 
Vol. II, Part 1, p. 345; Forstcr's Vis- | Doncaster, p. 18G. 


in 1584, and was Sheriff in 1597-8. His uncle, Richard 
Levett, was also a man of note in his native town, of 
which he was mayor in 1596, and again in 1608. The 
mother of Christopher Levett was Elizabeth Rotherforth, 
the daughter of Alexander, and niece of Robert Rother- 
forth, "gent," as the records designate him, from whom 
she inherited property in Yorkshire. Of the childhood 
and youth of Christopher Levett, unfortunately no me- 
morials have reached us, and but for his voyage to the 
shores of Casco Bay, his very name would have been 
buried in oblivion. His youth was passed in stirring 
times, when Briton and Spaniard were engaged in a 
deadly struggle for the mastery of the seas, and when all 
eyes were turning towards a new world in the West, just 
emerging from an obscurity hitherto impenetrable; a 
richer prize than had yet aroused to destructive activity 
the cupidity of the nations of Europe. 

Sir Erancis Drake had encompassed the world, and 
the marvelous story of liis adventures was still fresh, 
quickening the aspirations of the youth of that age of 
poetry and romance ; of measureless ambition and mag- 
nificent achievement. He was in his cradle when Drake 
scattered to the winds Spain's invincible Armada, and his 
infant slumbers must have been disturbed by the jo}ful 
tumult with which the tidings of that beneficent exploit 



was welcomed in the streets of his native town ; and later, 
he must have often listened with eager ears to the ad- 
ventures of Hawkins and Drake, Gilbert, Ralegh and 
Frobisher, the latter of whom was a Yorkshireman, told 
by gossips over their ale in his father's inn^ 

Respecting his education, we know that he received 
a fair one for his time. The Levetts, as a family, favored 
letters. John, a nepliew, was an author^; Christoplier 
himself twice adventured authorship, and his son Jeremy 
graduated at Cambridge and became a preacher. We 
may well picture him then, trudging to school tli rough 
the streets of the old town where the Levett inn stood, 
and follow him through the varied, but familiar experi- 
ences of school life, until the time arrived for him to 
take up his life work ; and what so attractive to the 
young man of the Elizabethan age as a life of maritime 
adventure.^ < 

The men who commanded the admiration of tlie 
world in this ac^e were mariners, heroes of the seas, to 
whom was rendered unstinted worship. No names stood 

5. A copy of a book In the Hritisli 

Museum by John Levett, entitled 

"The Orderinu' of P.ees," jirinied in 

London, a. d. bi.'lj, cttntuiiis a preface 

by " S. Parcas " in rhyme. One of 

the stanzas is as follows: 

" Thy scl/c, thy scU'e enoiujh, enough 

thy Booke, 


Thy Booke commands, and I, my 

Lcfrfl, leave it. 
Here in small Bo s, God's 'jreatnesse 

firsf. I I'njke, 
And fhec thy selfe though dead to 

live yet." 

A "J'lhn Levtt, Merchant," was 

one of the Virginia Company, named 

in the charter of i^i'd May, 1009, 


higher on the roll of glory than those of Columbus and 
Cabot. These srreat navicrators were reo'arded almost 
as demi-gods, and there were men then living, who re- 
ceived almost as rich a meed of reverence. No wonder, 
then, that Christopher Levett, when he reached a suitable 
age, made choice of the sea for his field of enterprise. 

Unfortunately we know not with whom he served his 
apprenticeship; but no doubt with some of the seamen 
of the time, whose names are yet familiar. He was near- 
ino: manhood when Elizabeth ended her brave reiijn so 
wretchedly, and was succeeded by that caricature of 
royalty, James Stuart, whose pernicious policy caused 
England, who had proudly vaunted herself, to become 
contemptible among the nations of Europe, who were 
her inferiors in all things which constitute true national 

It was difficult enough in Elizabeth's reign for young 
men to make their way in life, so restrictive were the laws, 
and so numerous v/ere court favorites, who, with their 
monopolies, blocked the course of commerce and ham- 
pered the industries of the nation; but with James came 
a more rapacious horde of these creatures of royalty 
than had hitherto oppressed England, and to make 
matters worse, the avenue to military success, which had 
been a principal one, was suddenly closed by the new 


^ / 


I ■ 1 

monarch, to whom every thing which savored of war 
was odious ; thus, at the period when Christopher Levett 
entered manhood, it had become ahnost impossible for 
anyone to gain access to any avenue of success, unless 
through the patronage of some court favorite. 

What Levett's course was at this time we know not, 
•but later on we find him attached to Buckingham, the 
chief of that swarm of vamj^ires, who were then preying 
upon the English people. 

A reaction aijainst relicrious tyrannv had lonsr before 
begun, and as it progressed it drew to itself those opposed 
to oppression in every form. Those who allied them- 
selves to this movement were of various opinions, and 
the kind and degree of their opposition varied accord- 

How far youncr Levett was affected bv this movement, 
we are not informed ; but we find him, at the age of 
twenty-one, intimate in the family of Robert More, rector 
of Guislev, a famous Puritan of his dav^ and hence 
opposed to the existing order. 

It is the old storv. The sturdv Puritan had a fair 
daughter, named after the Puritan style, Mercy, and with 


t). 'J'iiO will of tlii> Iir.ttd tli;\ll \v;i.s 
recently (liscoveri'ii l)y Dr. F. Ci)lliiis, 
of Fulfonl, Vi'ik, ari'i kiiully sent to 
inc. The original, kn;i\vt(i by rats 

and oLiierwise defaced, has been care- 
fully copifd by Dr. Collins, and i.s 
df»'iiK'<i of sutluiicnt iiUerest to be 
placed in llie aj)pentlix to this woik. 

! I 

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her Christopher fell in love, and found his affection re- 
ciprocated. Evidently the father looked with favor upon 
his daughter's choice, as the young people were married 
in the church at Guisley before the close of the year 1608 ; 
Levett, who was of the parish of St. Michael le Belfry at 
York, havinii obtained there a license to be married in 
the former parish. That the newly married couple took 
up their residence in York, we learn from the fact that 
here we find recorded the baptism of their children. The 
names of these, all baptized at All Saints Pavement, are 
Sarah, baptized September 27, 16 10; Rebecca, June 28, 
1612; Mary, September 7, 1613; and Jeremy in 1614. 

It has been remarked that Christopher Levett had 
attached himself to Buckingham, which accounts for his 
reirioval from York and residence in Sherborne in Dor- 
setsliire, where we find him, in 16 18, employed in the 
roval forests. 

In the l^ritish Museum is a book written bv him and 
publi.'^hed at the time by William Jones, who, a few years 
later, published his Voyage into New England. 

The title of this book is as follows: 

■ "An 


Timber Measures. 



Wherein is contained the true content of the . 
Mast timber Trees within the Reahiie of 

England, which vsually are to 
,' be bought and sold. 

Drawne into a brief Method by way of Arithmeticke 
and, contrived into such a forme, that the most simple 
man in the world, if he doe but know Figures in their 
places, may vnderstand it, and by the due observing of 
it shall be made able to buy and sell with any man be he 
never so skillful, without danger of being deceived. 
By C. L. of Sherborne in the Countie 
of Dorset, Gent. 

A Toone of Timber doth containe 40 square foot. 

In a foot square is ....... .\ 1 72S Inches. 

In three-quarters of a foot is 1296 Inches. 

In halfc a foot is 0S64 Inches. 

In a quarter of a foot is 0432 Inches. 

Printed by William lones, 161S." 
The dedication is — 

" To the Hloh and Micrhtie James 

By the Grace of God, 

King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." 

and is signed 


*' Your 


" Your Majesties loyg.ll 
subject till death. 

Christopher Levett." 

The book is commended — 

*' To the Rio'ht Honorable The Nobilitie 
of the Realm of England by 
Your Honors poore friend." 

Under a quaint head piece the reader is also ad- 
dressed as follows: 

'' To all Timber buyers and sellers and 

all others that deale in Timber or Timber workes 

that love good dealing, and to be well 

dealt with. 

Your Wel-willer, 
C. LJ " 

Then, under the title ''An Abstract for Timber- 
measures," are tables arran<ied to show the contents of 
|)ieces of timber of various sizes. Levett's book evi- 
dently found an extensive use, as it furnished a ready 
means for ascertaining the contents of lumber by a 
JMcihod tlien quite new ; indued, Levett appears as a 


«• It. is (luubtful if .inoLher copy j tioiis, nrui may easily escape ihe at- 

<4 U'Ah h-i ik exists. It is bound w;tli j tentiou even of one interested in the 

«<vvr^l Giljer uniinportanL publica- j subject. 



pioneer In compiling tables of measurement. This book 
was doubtless of benefit to the author, as it brought him 
to the king's attention. He was acquainted with timber, 
and possessed of a knowledge of ships, gained from his 
profession of a mariner ; hence, he was well fitted for 
the position to which he was assigned, that of Wood- 
ward, of Somersetshire. This was an office of consid- 
erable importance, as it placed the royal forests largely 
under the control of the Incumbent. 

From these forests was drawn the timber for the 
British navy, the right arm of English power, and owing 
to the Ignorance or dishonesty, or both combined, of the 
officials who managed them, they often suffered serious 
spoliation. The protection of the forests had for some 
time been a subject of solicitude to those who had the 
welfare of the kingdom at heart, and methods for their 
preservation had been discussed. 

The Woodward's duties were somewhat onerous. He 
was not only expected to protect the growing timber 
against trespassers, but to select and mark, with the 
king's broad arrow, trees suitable for conversion Into 
masts for the royal na\'y. 

Levett claimed to have performed the duty disinter- 
estedly, and for the best Interests of the realm. If he 
did this, he certainly accomplished what some of his 



predecessors failed to accompllsli, if the stories told of 
the manao^ement of tlie forests were true. 

In 1623, Levett, who is spoken of as one of the 
ca}:)tains of his Majesty's ships, was still a resident of 
Slicrbornc, the favorite home of Ralegh. His wife, 
Mercy, luad died, and he had married Frances, the 
claiii;htcr of Oliver Lottisham, Esq., of Farrington, Som- 
cr^ct>b.ire, and their children were Timothy, then aged 
fi<4ht, and Elizabeth, ao-ed six vears. The Eottishams 
were an old county family of distinction, and this marriage 
i;ives us an idea of Levett's social standing. 

The public interest in the new world had been aroused 
to a remarkable degree by the opposition, which had been 
raised in Parliament acrainst the charter of the Council 
for New England, on account of the monoply which it 
was attempting to exercise in accordance with the priv- 
ileges which had been conferredupon it by Royal char- 

A clamor was raised against the Council, the head 
and front of which was Sir Ferdinando Gorges. The 
indefatigable efforts of Gorges to open New England to 
cr>lonization, aided by Captain John Smith and others, 
^''lio liad visited the coast and returned home with some 
knowledge of tlie vast resources of the country, and es- 
I>ecially the achievement of the brave men, who had suc- 


cessfully established themselves at Plymouth, had at 
last awakened the English people to a partial realization 
of the fact that their colonial possessions in the West 
were important, and this tended to increase hostility 
to the monopolists. Within the territory of this vast 
monopoly, which extended from the fortieth to the forty- 
eighth parallel of latitude, and from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific, it was necessary to establish some degree of 
governmental order. 

The powers of the Council were extensive, as it had 
ample authority to enact laws and to establish courts ; 
in fact, to create and set in motion everything necessary 
to energetic rule ; nor was its jurisdiction confined by 
territorial limits, but extended to those on the high seas, 
who were coming to or departing from its domain.- 
Besides these remarkable powers, the Council could con- 
trol the entire commerce of New Enerland, No vessel 
engaged in commerce could enter a seaport or river, or 
touch at an island within the limits of the Council's 
charter, without incurring liability to seizure and confis- 
cation. Nor was this enough ; the Captain and crew 
might be imprisoned and punished in any manner not 
contrarv to the lavv's and statutes of Enc^land.^ Such 
powers imposed heavy responsibilities upon those who 


8. Vide Sir Ferdinando Gorges j 1890, Prince Society, Vol. 2, pp. 123- 
and Lis rrovince of Maine, Boston, ! 148. 


might wield them, and it was necessary for the Council 
to select men of character and ability to represent it. 

At this time Christopher Levett was contemplating 
a voyage to New England with the view of establishing 
a colony. 

On the fifth of May, 1623, the Council for New Eng- 
land voted to grant him 6000 acres of land, to be selected 
hv him within the limits of its charter,'^ and Levett at 
(Mice set on foot measures to accomplish his purpose. 
A ])rominent feature of his plan was to erect a city within 
the territory controlled by him, and to christen it after 
his native city, York. Not only was this grateful to his 
pride as a citizen of the minster town, but it was expected 
that the novel enterprise would attract the attention of 
liis Yorkshire friends, and enlist their interest. His first 
^te|), after securing his grant, was to get the ear of Secre- 
tary Conway, whose influence w^as secondary only to 
tliat of I)uckingham, and in this he so far succeeded, that 
i'ic not only obtained from the obliging Secretary his 
«'\\n, but also the king's endorsement of the enterprise, 
as we learn from the following letter, addressed by Con- 
v.ay to the Lord President of York.'^ Right 

'' r;..V K.'coril.s of tlie Council 
• r New Knglan.l, Cambridge. 18G7, 
■j^ -*■' '* In co!i,-,i.liTa(;Mii of a sr.atuie 
t:vvn by Mr. Chri.ropher Leviu, Esqr, 
*■ f XUO U)htH' a priucipall pattentce. 

6,000 acres of land, p?'o»i!, &c. This 
grant was drawne by S^ Ilt.'ury Spel- 
nian and signed, prout, SiC." 

10. Vide Conway's Letter Book, 
No. 218. p. 58, in tlie olfice of the 

/''-•=<f pT stAiuie. It is ordered that j Public Records. London, for the orig- 
^'-'^ai bee made uiito Mr. Levitt for ! inal of this letter 


Right Honorable:* 

I am commanded by his ]Ma'., to acquaint yo. Ld. with the good 
judgment his ^la., makes of tlie undertaking in New England more 
particularly of the planta(;on intended in tliat part by his servant 
Mr. Christoplier Levett one of the Counsell for the settlement of 
the planta(;f>n where lie hath one designe that is generally honorable 
to the Nation and to the p'tir-ular County and City of Yorke intend- 
ing to build a Citty and call it by the name of Yorke. This appli- 
cation of his wliole designe to the p'ticular County of Yorke, 
deserves p'ticular contribution of favo. towards this soe notable a 
good worke. His sute is that he might have Adventurers to joyne 
w., him to sett fortli fiftie men w., liftie others that he intends to 
Carrie over. ^ ^ and that such as shal be unwillin<]f to adventure may 
neverthelesse be mooved to contribute towards building of a Fort 
which he intends to make for the preservation of those^^ that are 
to depend upon him, & to secure the planta(;on. His I\Ia., request 
therefore to yo. L. is tliat yo. Avill employ your Industrie and yo. 
judicious mediation betweene the Gentlemen of that Countie and 
Mr. Levett and by all fair psuasions to weane from the Countie 
some assistance upon such conditioiis as may be just and suteable 
w. his reputaron \v. favo. liis Ma., will acknowledge as done att his 
request. And 1 am glad of this opportunity to doe this Gentleman 

11. Ill the original the followiim 
words afitr ihc word " over," are 
erased, " or else that he miuiht have 
some contribution to enable him lo 
take with him these fiftie iiku he 

a good 

raiseth hiinselfe he being resolved to 
make a effort." 

1-2. After tiie word "those" the 
followinir worths are erased, *' wch 
shall preserve all." 



a good ofHce and to present my service to yo. L. w. that affection 
&: rospect w. becomes 

Yo, Lo., humble servant, 


Greenwich, 26 June 1623. 


Although Levett had this strong endorsement, which 
witb.out doubt engaged the active efforts of Lord Scrope'^ 
in his behalf, he did not succeed in getting so many of 
his old Yorkshire friends to join him in his promising 
enter[)rise as he had hoped to get; nevertheless, he ob- 
tained a ship and a number of men, and with them set 
out for New England, not long after the date of this 

It had been arranged that Levett was to be one of 
tlie councillors in the new government, which the Coun- 
cil for New England contemplated setting up in their 
domain. The head of this o:overnment was Robert 
Gorges,'* the younger son of Sir Ferdinando, who was 


13. IMwurd, Lord Conway, Secre- 
« vry o{ Stale, afterwards Viscount 
KiUuIugh and Viscount Conway. 

1-1, Lonl Kmanuel Scrope, Lord 
Trt-sident of York, afterwards Karl 
"f Sunderland. 

I^ A brief account of Kobert 
<» 'f^'*g la to be found in Sir Ferdi- 
«'t'5.1o (;.>rge.s and iiis Province of 
^-J^ine. lioston. I'rince Society. Vol. 
^t ;- I'JT. Btoidford, in his History of 

Plymouth Plantation, p. 148. et seq., 
says : *' About ye middle of Septem- 
ber arrived Captaine Kobert Gorges 
in ye Bay of ye Massachusetts with 
sundrie passengers and families, in- 
tending there to begine a plantation ; 
and pitched upon ye place Mr. Wes- 
ton's people had forsaken. 

He had a comission from ye Coun- 
sell of New England lo be a generall 
Cover, of ye cuutries, and they ap- 



commissioned Governor and Lieutenant General of New 
England. The other councillors were Captain Francis 
West'^ and the Governor of New Plymouth. In addition 
to his office of councillor, Captain West held a commis- 
sion as Admiral, and Captain Thomas Squibb'^ as Vice 
Admiral, of New England. These had authority to 
choose such associate councillors as thev mio-ht think 
necessary to aid them in the administration of the new 
government. As the church was to be erected in the 
wilderness, the Reverend William MorrelP^ was charged 
with that important undertaking. All these men were 
of good character and possessed of fair ability. 

In spite of the clamor which had been raised against 
the monopoly of Gorges and his associates, the king's 
sympathies were with them, and his Privy Council fol- 

pointed for his counsell and assist- 
a!ice, Captaine Francis West, ye 
aforesaid admiral!, Cliristopher Lev- 
ite, Ksquire, and ye Govr. of I'linioih 
for ye time beeinii, &c." 

16. Vide Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
and his Frovince of Maine. Vol. 1, p. 

17. Capt. Thomas Squibb, who 
bore the somewhai exa^juerated title 
of Vice Admiral in tliis expedition, 
belonged to a class of mvini; adven- 
turers of which Capt. John Smith 
was a typical representative. 

Home time previous to his appoint- 

ment tinder West, he had been a 
captive in Algiers, and upon regain- 
ing his liberty, found congenial em- 
ployment in a tlt'et sent out from 
England to reduce the pirates. 

He did not long remain in New 
England to help prop up the govern- 
ment of Gorges, for we timi liim, ere 
long, a privateersman, despoiling the 
enemies of ICngland, in which profit- 
able occupation, diligently followed 
by him for several years, the world 
loses sight of him forevt-r. 

18. Vide Ibid, Vol. l.p. 120. 


lowed the views of the monopolists in shaping orders for 

the reirulation of trade in New Encrland. These were 

strict, and the Admiral was directed to affix them to the 

n^iinmast of every ship bound for New England. 

Christopher Levett reached the Isles of Shoals, which 

.ijipear to have been his first landfall after leaving the 

Nh.orcs (>f Iingland, in the autumn of 1623, where he 

Luidcd, and from there proceeded to a place now known 

.r- ( ^ilionc 's Point, at the mouth of the Piscataqua, where 

I \\\\i\ Thompson, an enterprising young man, had, a 

ft \v months before, settled a small colony. Here Levett 

found Governor Gorges and other members of the new 

i^overnment awaiting his arrival; and here, after Levett 

I'sad received the oath of office, was formally organized 

ih.e first government, de J7irc if not de facto, over New 

l-.!v^iand. Levett was obliged to remain at Thompson's 

tor a month., thouorh he made 2:ood use of his time in 

v\])Iorini; the country in the vicinity, in order to collect 

ills men, many of whom had already found their way to 

^Ni'W iMigland before him, and were awaiting his arrival, 

probably about the mouth of the Saco and Spurwink, 

and perhaps at points even further East. 

I he season was far advanced when his men assembled 

at I lionipson's, and it proved to be unpropitious for ex- 

I'loration ; but dividing his company into two parties, he 



coasted Eastward, suffering much inconvenience from 
the rough weather which he encountered, as he had only 
open boats with which to explore the coast. His courage 
and cheerful disposition, however, were equal to the occa- 
sion, and defied the wild storms of sleet and snow which 
assailed him. After examinins: the reoion about the 
York river,'^^ which he found suitable for planting, he pro- 
ceeded to the Kennebunk and explored the little harbor 
of Cape Porpoise, wliich did not impress him favorably, 
though he noticed good timber in the vicinity. From 
here he set his course for Saco, losing one of his men on 
the way ; in what manner he does not explain ; and had 
not proceeded far before a thick fog curtained the land 
from view. He was, however, wise enough before losing 
sight of land to take its bearings, which enabled him to 
keep his course correctly. The wind, which was blowing 
off shore, kept increasing in violence, and as night shut 
down upon Levett and his boat's crew% for the other boat 
had disappeared, their condition was perilous. This they 
realized and took counsel too-cther as to the best method 
to adopt for their safety. The roaring of the great waves 
as they broke along tlic beaches, which here fringe the 
coast for a lomr distance, made the crloom of nitrht, as it 
gathered about them, all the more terrible. It was im- 
possible to make a landing owing to the dangerous surf, 


10. Vidt Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province uf Maine, Vol. I, p. IGO. 


and throwing out their Httle anchor, Levett and his weary 
crew anxiously wished for the day. At dawn, " with 
much ado," they made a landing and found the other 
boat safe'. Putting up a feeble shelter against the storm 
with their sails, for five days they retained this place 
as a base from which to make their explorations. Here 
they found plenty of wild fowl, upon which they regaled 
themseh'es, and save for the fact tliat thev were oblisred 
to sleep in their wet clothing, on the water soaked and 
frosty ground, they were not badly off. When the storm 
permitted, Levett, taking with him six men, set out on 
foot to explore the coast, but after proceeding about two 
miles he found an impassable barrier to further progress 
in the Saco river, which compelled him to return to 
camp, and finding the marsh grass sufficiently dry, he 
set liis men gathering it for a bed, which he greatly en- 
joyed ; or as he himself expressed it, "rested as con- 
tentedly as ever I did in all my life"; indeed, he was 
reminded by the comfort, which the dry straw gave him, 
of the merrv savincf of a beo'iiar, that if he were ever "a 
king, he would have a breast of mutton with a pudding 
in it, and lodge every night up to the ears in dry straw," 
and with the abundant cheerfulness which marked his 
character, he kept his companions in good spirits by 
wilty anecdotes, wholesomely s})iced with piety, to the 



effect that they were having, even then, much greater 
blessings than they deserved at God's hands. The next 
day Levett sent one of his boats witli four men to skirt 
the shore along the mouth of the Saco, while he with 
three others set off across the country on foot, with the 
intention of meeting the boat and crossing the river in 
it, but bad weather and deep snow prevented, and com- 
pelled him and his companions to sleep upon the river's 
bank, almost without shelter. . 

When morning came, they crossed the Saco and 
explored the coast as far east as the Spurwink. Every- 
where they found abundance of game, which In a measure 
compensated for the many deprivations, which they were 
obliged to suffer. A primeval forest fringed the shores, 
from which loomed above their fellows Immense pines 
suitable for the tallest ships which sailed the seas, and In 
greater profusion than Eevett had ever pictured In his 
dreams ; as he expressed it, there was everywhere, " a 
world of fowl and u:ood timber." The Saco River was the 
strongest he had ever beheld, owing to the force of its 
current, which was so strong that he found the water " In 
the very main ocean " as fresh as from "the head of a 
spring." This strange river, he was told by the savages, 
issued from a great mountain to the west, called the 
Crystal Hill, so high as to be seen by mariners as far 
west as Cape Cod, and east, as Monhegan. Old 


Old Orchard Beach, which Champlain and De Monts 
had visited and described, when, seventeen years before, 
they, Hke Levett, were seeking for a place where they 
might settle a colony, attracted his attention, but like 
his predecessors, he did not deem it suitable for habita- 
tion ; an opinion in v^'hich the many, who now so happily 
sojourn there, would not acquiesce. None of these places 
fully satisfied our explorer, and he returned to the camp 
where he had left a number of his men at " Saco " ; not the 
site of the'present city of that name, but nine miles below 
it, at a place now called the Pool, where Richard Vines, 
the then future founder of Biddeford, had passed a winter 
with the natives a few years before. Here he was 
seized with a chill, the result of excessive toil and expo- 
sure to wet and cold, from which, however, thanks to a 
hardy constitution, he soon recovered. Having prepared 
for a more extended exploration, he set out with his 
entire company, and skirted the coast until he reached 
tlie islands at the mouth of Portland Harbor. These 
inlands, now known as House, Cushing's, Peak's, and 
Diamond, with the harbor which they helped to form, 
pleased him. The region he calls by the not eupho- 
nious name of Quack, which probably but imperfectly 
represents the sound in the Indian tongue. 

Levett explored the harbor and rowed up Fore river, 




which he named Levett's river, and which, the Indians 
informed him, abounded with salmon in their season. 
Although inwardly resolving to make this the site of his 
future city, he wished to study the coast eastward', and 
pushed on past Munjoy to the mouth of the Presump- 
scot. This beautiful river, with the green island at its 
outlet""* dividing its waters as they course to the sea, 
must have presented a striking picture to Levett, as he 
rounded Martin's Point," with its wide spreading oaks 
-and lofty pines sweeping to the water's edge. Pulling 
up toward the first fall of the Presumpscot, which he 
declares to be " bi^'^er than the fall at Eondon bridsre," 
he soon came in sloht of tlie home of the red men, who 
welcomed him with abundant hospitality ; the chief shar- 
ing with him his own habitation. 

20. Mackworth Island, granted to 
Arthur Muckwortli by Richard Vines, 
acting in buhalf of Sir Ferdinamh) 
Gorges, the Lord l*roprietor, March 
30, 103'>. Mackworth's residence was 
on the point bearing his name oppo- 
site the ishmd, which peile.strians can 
reach by a bar h-ft bare at low tide. 
This ishmd was a favorite resort of 
the Indians, whose camps surrounded 
its bohl shores, liecently a large 
portion of it was ploughed for the 
first lime, exposing the locations and 
forms of the ancient camjjs, and un- 
earthing various iinplements, frag- 
ments of aboriginal pottery, bones 

. This 

and ashes. Though more than two 
liundred and fifty 5''ears have passed 
since it was granted to Arthur Mack- 
worth, it still bears the name of its 
first owner. 

21. Tliis beautiful promontory, 
now crowned by the U. S. Marine 
Hospital buildings, derives its name 
from Kichard Martin, an illiterate 
fisherman, first in the employ of John 
Winter, the agent of Robert 'I'relawny, 
at Richmond's Island, but wiio, after 
the wreck of Trelawny's enterprise, 
settled on this point and became Ar- 
thur Mackworth's nearest neighbor. 


This locality seems to have been a convenient rendez- 
vous for the Indians, for while Levett sojourned with 
vSkitterygusset, the sagamore of the Presumpscot, several 
chiefs from east and west crathered here in a friendlv 
manner, brino^incr their families with them, and such furs 
as thev had o-athered duriuQ- the winter, to barter with the 
Entj^lish. W^ith these savao'cs Levett soon found him- 
self on friendly terms, and when he left the Presumpscot, 
Sadamoyt, the great, chief of the Penobscots, in a fervor 
of affect'ionate feeling, pressed upon him a beaver skin, 
as a token of esteem. 

In spite of his predilection for Portland Harbor, 
Levett prolonged his voyage to the vicinity of the Saga- 
dahoc, where Gorges, always confidently hoping to re- 
trieve the failure of his enterprise under Popham, was 
intending to found a ''state county," and to build a city, 
which was to have the honor of beino: christened bv the 

Levett, in his vovao-e alonor the shores of Maine, found 
\\\Q Indians everywhere kindly disposed towards him, 
and numerous sites suitable for plantation. His heart, 
h.owever, was set on the rei^ion about Portland Harbor, 
^vhich his practiced eye told him was the most suitable 
}>lace on the coast for a maritime city, and after a brief 



examination of the Eastern coast, he returned there and 
selected the site for his prospective city of York. 

Levett's probity was as marked as his sagacity, and 
instead of seizing upon the land by virtue of his English 
patent, he procured from Cogawesco, the Sagamore of 
Casco, and his wife, permission to occupy it, recognizing 
them as inhabitants of the country, and as havino; "a 
natural rioht of inheritance therein." This is in marked 
contrast with most other patentees of lands in New 
England, and is highly to his credit. By this wise act, 
he secured the good will of the Indians and thereby 
greatly strengthened his position ; indeed, he so won 
upon the affections of the childish and passionate natives, 
that they stro\"e to persuade him not to leave them, but 
to remain and share their rude lot. Having secured the 
site for his city, Levett promptly set about erecting 
a habitation, fortified to protect its inmates from attack 
by the Indians, who thronged the bay in search of fish 
and game ; indeed, the islands and shores of Casco Bay 
were as much a summer resort of the Indians as they 
now are for men of another race. 

r Having completed his building on an island at the 
mouth of the harbor, and placed in it ten men to hold 
possession, Levett bade adieu to his Indian friends, who 
expressed sorrow at his departure, assuring hinftl^at they 




should watch the sea for his return, and should welcome 
him and the friends whom he might bring with him to 
his new home. 

When Levett reached England, he found affairs there 
unfavorable for his undertaking. The patent for New 
England, under which he had received title, had been 


on trial before Parliament, and had been adversely 
passed upon as a monoply. There was also trouble with 
Spain, owing to the rupture of the marriage contract be- 
tween Prince Charles of England and the Princess Maria 
of Spain, brought about by the intrigues of Buckingham, 
A new danger, still greater, threatened Englishmen who 
had already settled in New England or contemplated 
settling there ; as the F'rench monarch, whose sister, the 
Princess Henrietta, had taken the place of the Spanish 
Princess in the affections of Prince Charles, laid claim to 
a large portion of the American continent, embracing 
-the Vv'hole of New Eno-land. 


The enthusiasts, who had founded powerful States, 
and prosperous cities in New England, with materials no 
more substantial than paper and ink, lost heart, and 
Levett found none bold enough to join him in his 
enterprise. No matter how fervent his faith in tlie new 
country, its possession under a title from the Council, 
or ev(^^n from the English Crown, might be disputed. 

• . Surely 


Surely there was little to warrant men to encounter the 
perils with which emigration was surrounded. 

Baffled in his efforts to interest others in his New 
England scheme, Levett now sought a command in one 
of the many expeditions fitting out for foreign service. 
The Count of Mansfeldt liad raised a larQ-e force of Eno:- 
lishmen, and the fleet bearing them had sailed from 
Dover some weeks before Levett sighted the shores of his j; 

native land ; indeed, when he arrived, news was already \ 

reaching England of the dire disasters which were befall- f 

ing this ill-planned expedition, but which only served to j, 

fire the ambition of aspiring adventurers. I 

The Christmas of 1624 was passed by Levett in the ;" 

bosom of his family, at his home in Sherborne. His last 
Christmas had been spent on the wild shores of Maine, 
amid savage people, exposed to bitter blasts and restricted 
to meager fare ; but now, at home in Merry Old Eng- 
land, having safely returned from a voyage, the hardships 
and hazards of which were appalling to homefolk, we 
may well believe that he gave, by his presence at the 
familv fireside and his stories of stramre adventure, a 
keen zest to the joy of those who shared with him the 
happiness of that happiest of festal days, and that wife, 
children and kinsfolk united In maklnir the occasion as 


joyful as possible. But Levett was a man who could not 



long remain idle, and the sounds of busy preparation, 
which came to him from every quarter, prompted him to 
action ; therefore, while he was eating his Christmas 
dinner, and relating stories of his savage friends in Casco 
Bay, he was thinking of a letter to be written to Secre- 
tary Coke,^^ which, if favorably received, would soon take 
him from his 'family and place him amid new perils. 
This letter was written to the Secretary on the day after 
Christmas, and began by speaking of the writer's change 
of heart several years before, and of the desire which was 
awakened in him to do something for the glory of God 
and the good of the Church and Commonwealth. Before 
this, Hakluyt had told of the wonderful new world peopled 
with degraded men, whose souls could be saved by Chris- 
tian effort, and eloquent divines had repeated his words 
to wondering auditors. To such " Reverend and worthy 
friends " Levett told the noble Secretary he went for 
counsel, and while he asserted his confidence in beinGf 
able with assistance to make his New England enterprise 
successful, he begged for employment of some kind, 
though possessed of means sufficient for his support " in a 
reasonable good fashion," since he could not exist in 
idleness, and in support of his case he adduced, as usual, a 


i 22. Sir John Coke was Diade one 
of the Secretaries of State on the ac- 

cession of Charles First, and held this j.«, died in September, IG-ll 

otlice for fourteen years, when he re- 
tired to.Mtlbourne House, where he 


quaint maxim or two : " That an idle person lieth open to 
all temptations ; that he is a drone among bees ; that he 
is worse than an infidel that doth not provide for himself 
and his family ; that every man ought to eat his own 
bread ; that he is not worthy to live in the church or 
.commonwealth that is not beneficial to both " ; but it 
seems well to preserve this letter in its original form ; 
hence it is here given in full. ' 

To THE Right Woul Sr John Cooke one of the Masters of 
Requests in Ordinary to his jMatie 


K'lgJit worthy and wo^^ : 

Havinc^e had so sufTetient tryall of your worth and love I am 
imboiiklened at this tyme to troble you, Intreatinge to be pleased 
to give me love to aenoleage luy selfe unto you. About 5 or 6 yeers 
since it pleased god to open my eyes that I see playnly that my 
youth was spente in vanety and that my course of life was no way 
pleasinge to him (Though I could not be much taxed by any), and 
that I must take a new course if I ment to live for ever wth Christ 
in his kingdome. Ever since I have earnestly desiered that god in 
mercy could use me as an instrument to bringe glory to his name 
and some good to his Churche and this Comonwelth wherin I live, 
when the first motion for Xew En'j:land was mavd unto me, I tooke 
Councelle of some Revercml and worthy frends who advysed me to 
it by all meanes and I am j)s waded if I may have some assistance I 
should bringe that to pas weh I so much thirste after I besech you 
S^". helpe me forwards wth that or some other Imployment for truly 



as I now live my life is a burthen to me (I tlianke god I have snf- 
fetient to mnyntane me in a reasonable good ffashon) but my grefe 
is I have no callinge to imploye my selfe in not beinge bred upp to 
any thinge but the sea and in that nether no otherwyse then a 
traveler and Comander of some i\[erchant Shipps. I praise god if 
I should be put to it I could conduckt a Shippe from any place of 
the world (that is at this tyme discovered) into England, and T 
know that is more than many Captans who have comandcd some 
of the Kings Shipps can doe. Youre servant Mr. Thaker can shew 
you what I desyer if you would be pleased to help me forwards to 
any Imployment I vrould not only be more thankfull unto you then 
ever I yet spocke of but allso would rest youre servant all the dayes 
of my life for I ptest unto you it is even a death to me to live 
Idle remembringe these saings in Cripture. 1. That an Idle psonne 
lyeth open to all temtations that he is a drone amongst bees that 
he is worse than an infidell that doth not pvide for him selfe and 
his famely that every man ought to eat his owne breade that he is 
not worthy to live in the Church or Comonwelth that is not some 
way benifetiall to both. Tlie Lord known my harte I desyer to 
doe that for wch I was created but I want meanes to effeckt it. I 
find a iittnesse in my selfe for imployment. I wish I were tliroughly 
examened and after settled in that course wch I am capable of. I 
besech you Sr pdon tliis my bouldnes I will importune you no more 
but rest in hope of your remeberance besecliing god to blesse you 
wth health and much happynesse. 

Your worl to be comanded 



Evidently this letter received an encouraging re- 
sponse, for on the 26th of the following May we find 
Levett writing another letter to Secretary Coke, express- 
ing his hearty thanks to him for a proffer of employment 
in some service which was to follow Buckino^ham's return 
from France, whither he had 2:one to brins^ the bride of 
Charles First to England, shortly after the death of James, 
which took place on March 27, 1625, But though grate- 
ful to the Secretary for his proffer of future employment, 
Levett chafed under enforced idleness, and urgently 
pressed him for immediate service. This letter is as 
follows : 

To THE Eight ^yo : Sk Johx Cooke one of the Masteks of 


Court E. 

Good S^ Jo/til. 1 thinke inyselfe so nmcli bound unto you as 
that I know not lio\v to expresse my thankes oniilTe but will ever 
endevor to manifest it to the uttermost of my power: Truly Sethis 
voyage doth effeekt me excedinyly and I duubt not but it will pve 
honorable but I ptest before Cod I cannot now stay untill the 
dewkes returne though I should loose the place wherefore I besech 
you S»^ stand my frende both fur a good Shi|ip as allso liberty to 
meet hir at plimoth and god willinge in fewe dayes after I have 
notice from you I shall be redy. 'My dwcdlinge is at Sherborne 
one of the poste townes betwixt this and riimoutli so that a letter 



is easily sent to me by the packts thus humbly craving pdon for 
this my bouldnesse I rest 

Your servant to [command] 

London this 2r)th 

If I cannot have liberty to meet the Shipps at Plinioth I will 
come ether to London or any other place uppon notice. 

At the time Levett penned this letter, an expedition 
was fittinsf out in En Hand in which Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges was to take part, and Gorges was then in Lon- 
don, arranging with Coke's associate, Conway, business 
pertaining to this expedition, wliich Levett probably 
desired to join, a desire which perhaps prompted his impa- 
tient appeal to Coke.'^ Unfortunately, whatever corre- 
spondence may have passed between him and Gorges is 
lost, but there can be no doubt that the two were corre- 
spondents, since both were deeply interested in New Eng- 
land, and Gorges was the moving spirit of the corpora- 
tion which made Levett an associate of his son, Robert, 
and conveyed to him his possessions in Casco Bay. 

We lose sight of Levett, however, for a brief period, 
but Coke, happily, proved to be his. friend, and in the 
famous expedition against Spain, which sailed from 


Gorges and his Province of Maine, 

23. An account of this expedition 
may be found in Sir Ferdinando 

Vol. I, pp. i;:;7-i4r>. 


England October 5, 1625, Levett went as the Captain of. 
the Susan and Ellen, a ship of the burden of three hun- 
dred and twenty tons, and manned with a crew of sixty- 
five men. This fleet, under the command of Lord 
Wimbledon,'"^ consisted of eis^htv Engrlish and sixteen 
Dutch vessels, and was said to be the largest joint naval 
power which had ever sailed the seas. So large was it, says 
an old writer, that it " made the world abroad to stand 
astonished, how so huge a fleet could be so suddenly 
made ready," and yet this vast fleet and an army of ten 
thousand men were raised and equipped, not by Parlia- 
ment, for that had been angrily dissolved by the king, 
but by writs sent by him to everyone in the realm who- 
w^as supposed to have money, commanding them to loan 
him such sums as he had been Informed by his agents 
they were able to loan. To refuse tliese demands was 
dangerous, and money poured into the coffers of the 
royal blackmailer In plentiful streams. 

It was in this fleet, the destination of wliich was kept 
a secret, that Levett found himself, feeling, doubtless, a 
glow^ of patriotic pride as he saw it in its grandeur, and 


24. Edward Cecil, tliird son of j 1G25, and Lord Lieutenant General of 
Thomas, first Earl of Kxct(^r, b()rn i the Fleet and Army llie month follow- 

Feb. 20, 1572. and kni,:2:hted by Eliza- 
beth Sept. 18, 1(!(U. He was one of 
the Councillors of the Virginia Col- 
ony May 23, IGOO, and was created 

in.f,'. He was createil Baron Cfcil 
rutney, and Vis.'ount Winibltdon tif 
Nov ..3, l(i2'), while on his unfortunate 
expedition to Spain, lie died Nov. 

Lord Marshal of the Field, August \ 10, 1G38. 


never for a moment realizing that the motive which 
caused its creation was private revenge, and the methods 
by which it was created were subversive of those liberties 
which he, in common with all Englishmen, cherished 
most deeply in his heart. 

As the fleet entered the Bay of Biscay, it encountered 
the usual storms, and was buffeted by wind and wave 
until it seemed to those on board that their end was 
near; and so it was to some, for one tall ship, bearing 
nearly two hundred men, plunged beneath tlie sea and 
was seen no more. Orders had been given Wimbledon, 
before leaving home, to intercept the Spanish plate fleet, 
then nearing Spain, burdened with treasure, but he was 
no Drake, and he permitted several large ships to pass 
him and enter the Bay of Cadiz, where they afterwards 
wrought serious injury to his fleet. Time was wasted in 
councils of war; the Spaniards got news of his approach, 
and prepared to receive him ; but instead of making a 
naval attack upon the Spanish shipping at Cadiz, which 
it is believed would have resulted in success, Wimbledon 
landed a force and attacked the fort of Puntal, which he 
captured ; but his men now found a foe more dangerous 
than the Spaniards. The cellars were fllled with wine, 
which the soldiers fell upon and drank to excess. Wim- 
bledon, alarmed at the condition of his men, who were in 




no condition to resist an attack, hastily gathered as many 
as he could reach and carried them back to the ships. 
Those left behind were butchered by the revengeful 
Spaniards. The unfortunate commander now aban- 
doned his designs on Cadiz, and lay off shore watching 
for the treasure fleet, but sickness assailed his crowded 
ships and his men died by scores. Thoroughly dis- 
heartened, Wimbledon gave orders to return to England, 
" which was done in a confused manner, and without any 
observance of sea orders." It is perhaps proper to say 
that the plate fleet passed the place where the English 
ships had been cruising a few days before, and sailed 
quickly into Cadiz, while Wimbledon with his fleet, Avhich 
had sailed so proudly awTiy a few wrecks before, now shat- 
tered and burdened with sick and dying men, entered 
Plymouth harbor, where he was received w^ith the con- 
tempt which he so wtII deserved. It has been thought 
proper to give an account of this unfortunate expedition 
in which Levett was en2:aQ;cd, in order that the followino; 
letter, written by him to Coke after his return home, may 
be better understood : 

To THE Right IIol Sh Joun CooivE Seckketeky to his Ma-. 

lESTYE these. 

Right Honokable 

I doe once more psuiiie to trol^le yoii Avith a fe^v rude lyncs prnis- 


■ 1/96634 


ing if at this tyine my bouldues may be pdoned that hereafter as 
occation shall be offered I will come by way of petition as my 
duty is. I mayd boiild to \vrite you tow severall letters from the 
Sowthe Cape as also at my arivall in England to send you 
such things as I liad observed and though I medled wth some other 
things yet I hope your favorable construcktion is such tliat you 
will not condem me tow mneh, for if ever I speak with your Hor I 
will say more than before I write and wthnll let you know that I 
have observed some things wch hath brodd a jealosy in me that 
some who as I think doth carry themselves fayerly to you yet doe 
not so truly love you as they ouglit. I have psumed to come home 
to my own house at Sherborne in Dorsett shire wher godwilliiige I 
purpas to stay untill I heare from your JTor hopinge I doe not 
offend for by my comisshon tiie comand of the Sliipp was comytted 
to me but as for the mewnisshon the Master Botswan and Gonner 
have indented. I must cunfesse that tlie sea service is my only 
ellem^ent and that Imploymont wch I pnsipally desier but I would 
rather chuse to be a slieppde than ever to goe in a colyer agayne 
for the Comanders of tliem ar esteamed and used no better than 
meare slaves (I have cause to s|)eake but I forbare) it was gods 
mercy that I brought my shipp into Englauil agane if your Ilor please 
to aske my Lo : Cromwell'-^ or Si' George JUunder they can tell you 
that I had nether sweet beare water wine svder nor stroiige water 
for a longe tyme before I came home as allso they can tell you 


25. Sir Oliver Cromwell, uncle of | nephew, though then upwards of 

the Protector. At the coronation of j eighty years of age. Wiiile sitting 

King James he was created Knight of I alone in his chamber before a fire, he 

the Bath, and was a member of the | fell forward, it was thouglit, in a 

Council for Virginia in 1007. In tlie j swoi^n, and was so badly burned that 

civil war he espoused the cause of j he died Aug. 28, 1G55, in the uinety- 

the king, and fought against his great j third year of his age. 


whether I am a marrener or no for I kept them Comj)any a month^ 
at the least and though I had lost my Master and had 2 mayts that 
can scarce write there names yet thanks be to god we kept oure reck- 
ninge better and fayled les in oure course than the Bonaventure 
whein my Lo : was but I give it to them that had the charge of the 
Shipp though they must and will confesse that I had a hand in 
every observation ether of sune or starr and in castinge upp every 
reckninge of the shipps way and course I wish I might be exam- 
ened bv the 4 Masters of Enq;land for tlie Marreners arte so as I 
might herafter ether be imployed in my right place or cashered for 
an unworthy follow I have observed the most of the sea Capptens 
that was in this fleet and I say god send our kinge better then 
many that comanded great shipps when he shall have occation to 
use them It might be psumption in me to desier the Comand of one 
of the kinges shipps but if I had 1 doubt not but I should behave 
my selfe as vrell as some others and it would be as mucli for the 
safety of the shipp as if another man were in her but in regard I 
have no frend except such as I dear not psume to troble havinge 
here to fore p-iven iust occation to be wearv of doin^re for me I will 
not tliinke of any such thinge Thougli I must confesse if ever I goe 
agane to sea I would wii>h the best sliipp in Cristendome under 
me and if I did not behave my selfe both wisly and \:iiliently then 
would I desier nothiuLre for uiv Yoxm^a but a halter I am much 
ashamed of my bouldnesse yet remembringe what xVbraham saide 
to the Lorde when he besouglit him to spare- Sodom if by way of 
imitation I sav let not vour ITor be ollonded v/th his servant and 
he will speake but this once Ther is a Shipp called the Neptewne 
wch was bult for Xew England and as I liear is now taken upp for 
Lis Maiestyes service I hope there is as much reason that I should 



comand liir as an other liavinge spent miicli tyme and money about 
that Contry wherefore my houmble siite unto your Hor is that you 
would be pleased if you Judge me wortliy of further Imployment 
to put me into hir (if it be possible) or some other good vSliippe in 
service that I may be able to doe some good service to my kinge 
and Contry Thus besechinge youre Honor to cause one of youre 
servants to let me know whether I am discharged or no (havinge 
no order what to doe) I rest 

Youre Honors servant 

to be comanded till death 

Sherborne tliis 

11th of January 

1G25. €'-^-^i^: ^Or^t/f 

Evidently Levett was not pleased with the Susan and 
Ellen, although she sailed the seas for many years after, 
and safely brought across the Atlantic some of the foun- 
ders of New England, while the Neptune, which he 
longed to command, and which had been built by Gorges 
in the most careful manner to transport his colonists to 
his province of Maine, never fulfilled the great pjurpose 
for which she was desio'ned, and brouLiht her owner but 
trouble and loss. The letter of January nth was fol- 
lowed by an interesting account of what Levett had 
observed on the expedition just described, and was 
doubtless written at the suoTvestion of Secretary Coke, 
who, knowing that Levett wielded a ready pen, deemed 



it wise to make use of it in obtaining the impressions of 
an actor in the affair, who would have no great reason to 
falsify. But Levett was not contented with giving an 
account of the expedition. His real interest was In New 
England, and here was an opportunity to reach the ear 
of the astute Secretary; so he closed his relation with a 
few practical suggestions how England could weaken her 
dread enemy, Spain, and he pointed out the part New 
England could be made to play in the undertaking. 

The first thing he thought best to do, was to cease 
trade with Spain altogether, and then to employ the 
Navy in cutting off her trade with her northern neigh- 
bors. This done he would fortify the fishing places in 
New England, a country capable of being made more 
profitable than the West Indies, for her fisheries alone 
were richer than the mines of other countries. And all 
this, he told the Secretary, could be done at the cost of 
a single subsidy, for which England would receive an 
annual profit sufficient to maintain an arn^y or fleet, or 
support the poor of the realm ; though he believed, that 
in a score of years, there would be found no able bodied 
poor in the country, a belief doubtless founded upon the 
supposition, that, attracted by the opportunities afforded 
by New England for gaining wealth, tlie emigration 
thither would draw from England the poorer portion of 



her population able to work. More than this, he believed 
that New England would be able to furnish a ship of 
five hundred tons a year, except her iron work, and that 
she would be able to work greater damage to Spain and 
her West Indies than all England, because of her 
superior position. 

Realizins^ that this misrht seem strano^e to his corre- 
spondent, Levett desired to be given an opportunity to 
appear before Parliament, or at the Council Table, for 
examination, that he might show the reasonableness of 
his views. He desired that nobody should imagine that 
he had anv sinister end in view, since he wanted no 
money placed at his disposal, nor trust reposed in him, 
but only to " line out the path that must be trod," for he 
wrote, " If I can bring glory to God, honor to my Sov- 
ereign, and good to my native country, then shall I think 
myself more happy than if I had the whole world." 
This interesting document, still preserved at Melbourne 
House, is here placed before the reader, under the title 
placed upon it by Secretary Coke's own hand : 


The passages of such thyngs as I conseaved worth takyng notice 

We came from Plimoth the oth daje of Oktober but when we 
were at sea the wind shooting upon us and tlie wether beinge very 




rany and tliicke we put in againe and stayd untill the 8th daye 
before we put to sea againe and inioycd a fare wind and fare wether 
untill the 12t]i daye beinge Wedinsday about 4 of the cloke in the 
after noone at which tyme it began to rayne and blow exceeding 
and the stornie continewed all that night and pte of the next daye 
so that the fleight was dispsed in which stornie some was cast away 
and others put into famouth whicli came not to us untill the niglit 
we left Calles. Allso there was a Catch which had 11 men in hir 
cast away 7 of which men I was an instrument to save and carryed 
them to Calles and more was saved by another shipp and the rest 

But by degrees the most of the fleight mett againe some hav- 
in^re rnavd the Iiocke^s others Mountchecum^T and so at last we 
came to the Sotlier^s Cape, where we spent two dayes in Counsell 
and ther receaved orders for the managinge of a sea feight (which 
I will not meddle with for convenience). 

When tlie consultation was ended, beinge towards night we were 
not above 15 leages from Calles and if we had borne reasonable sale 
all that night we myght have bene witliin sight of tlie towne tlie 
next morning by V)reak of day. lUit we lay a tri[) the most of tlie 
night so tliat it was 12 .% cloke before we mayd tlie Hand. And if 
then we had borne all our sailles forth we myght have gott in in 
halfe a watch tlie wind beinge good and the wether fayere. 

20. Cape Da Koca is the most 
westerly headland of rortugal, about 
seven leagues nortli westerly from 
Lisbon, and in Levett's time was for- 
tified, as, indeed, it is to-day. 

27. Cape jSIondi-go lies on the 
western coast of Portugal, at the 
Diouth of the river of that name. 

28. Cape St. Vincent forms the 


southwestern extremity of Portugal. 
Nearly two centuries after l.evett 
wrote this, viz: on Feb. 14, 17U7, the 
failure of Wimbledon was more than 
offset by the gallant Jarvis, who met 
the Spanish fleet off this Cape and 
defeated it, to the joy of all Englisli- 



But as it seamed feringe we slioukl come tow soone we put not 
forth all our sailes so that it was niglit before all the fleet came to 
Anker being the 22th day Satterdy. AVhen we came into the Eode 
we found there the Admyrall of Spayne and 'about 14 Shipps more 
with 6 gal lies. 

The Earl of Essex beiuge Vice Admyrall in the Swift shure 
(Captain whereof was Sr Sammewell Argall-'-^ a brave gent) led the 
way and went on so bravely that he drave both the Spanish shipps 
and gallies upp the river so high as they would goe towards Port- 
royall but he was not seconded wlierfore he came to an Ancker and 
all tlie rest of the fleet. 

That night about 23 shipps were sent to batter a forte called 
Poyntall (about 2 myles and 4- from Calles uppon the same Hand) 
wherin was 6 peeces of ordnance who performed the service very 
well the most of that night spittinge fyer, and that the ordnance 
spoke thick and the bulletts stunge merely. 

Now the Spanish shipps not beinge followed that night blocked 
tliemselves upp by sinkinge of G shipps in the way so that after- 
wards we could nut come at them. Allso that night tlie Towne 
planted there ordnance and fortefyed themselves and tlie gallies and 
botts carryed away from the towne that which most we aymed 


he was a inenib* r of His Majesty's 
Council for New England, and when 
the territory of New Enj^land was 
divided by lot in l()"J2. Cape Cod and 
adjoining territory fell to his share, 
lie commanded the Hag ship Swift- 
sure during this cruise. One writer 
supposes him to have died just after 
his return from this expedition, while 
another fixes the date as IGo."^. 

29. Capt. Samuel Argall is tlie 
same ofiicer who carried Lord Dela- 
ware to Virginia in IGIO, and wiio 
commanded the Treasurer when she 
was sent out to Virginia in the sum- 
mer of 101'2, to drive out foreign in- 
vaders, and wlio later destroyed the 
Jesuit C< lony at Mount Desert. In 
1017 be was appointed Adiuir d and 
Deputy Governor of Virginia. Later 


at and brouglit soulders in stead thereof as most men did Imagen 
and thus they continewed all the tyme we were there. 

The next morninpre beincre Sondav by breahe of day the crreatest 
pte of the fleet was comanded upp before the forte who releved the 
former and continewed playinge uppon it all that day and so fast 
that by 12 acloke the forte was weary of usinge there ordnance 
not beinge able to stand ether to lade or to ply them. At last the 
Conyertion one of the Kin >,s Shipps came right under the forte 
within muskett shott and let fly her brod syde but was not able to 
come off sodenly by reason she came in ground but there lay 
receayinge tliere small shott like haille which kylled and spoiled 
many of hir men. 

But oure Shipps shott with there ordnance so that they mayd 
them pull in there heads so that for halfe an bowers space we could 
not see a man. 

About 3 acloke divers of oure botts mayd redy and tooke 
soulders oute of the yhij>}xs to land whicli when the forte saw a 
great many of the burgers of tlie town who came that morninge to 
assist them ran away so fast as there feet could carry tliem in so 
much that we tliout^ht the forte had Ijone quite left. 

But when oure botis came to shore right under the forte (which 
w^as tow neare havinge roonu' eiiougli to have landed further of) 
they put out there lieads a'^Mine and })lyed there small shott so fast 
as was possible for so few mm in so short a tyme by which meanes 
they kylled us many and some of good rankes yet for all that some 
went forwards and landed close by the wall but they threw stones 
uppon them and kylled th^Tu so the rest of tlie botts went further 
of and landed. 

Kow after there lamlingo they had some skirmishinge with the 



enemy who sallied oute of a house but they were forst to retreat 
towards the Towne. 

And then the C iptan of the Eorte having quarter offered ack- 
cepted therof and 3'elded it and were sett over the river with there 
musketts swords &c And thus with loss of many men and the 
expense of at the least 3000 great shott besides small we got a donghill 
wheron the Coke miglit have stood and crowed but could not have 
hurt us for I dare say that 6 colyear would have kept them jday, 
untill we had landed our men in the bay betwixt that and the Towne. 

The next day beinge ]Munday certan regiments marched uppon 
the Hand towards the bridge to have mayd tliat good and by the 
way come to one of the Duke of Madena howses wher they found 
about 70 butts of sacke wherof oure soulders dranke so deply that 
many were not able ether to goe or stand (but were left behind and 
had there throats cut) but the comanders seinge the inconvenience 
staved all the caske (and so the wine was lost) and then retorned 
backe to the forte because they understood that the bridge was here 
3 leags of. 

Uppon Tewsday my Lo : of Essex^o squadron was comanded to 
sett uppon the Shipps tliat was fledd upp to Portriall but when they 
came here then tlipy pceaved how they were blocked upp so they 
came to an ancher there but could do nothing to them. 

Uppon Thursday I was sent to them witli this message from 
my Lo : and the Counsell of warr tliat if they peeved the designe 


30. Robert Devereux, Earl of Es- has been well said that " he met with 

sex, was the son of the unforuinate nothing but rocks and shelves, from 

favorite of Elizabeth, and friend of when-e he could never discover any 

Gorges, and was a lad at the time of i safe port to harbor in." He died on 

his fath-r's death on the scaifold. i the 14th of September, IG-ifJ, at the 

Although a man of brilliant parts, his ! ago of Gfiy-four years, 

career was an unfortunate one. It 1 


to be clifTncult they should forth with repare to Poyntall and there 
take in there soulders agame for that tlicy understood of great 
forces was cominge out of the Contry, wheruppon they all wayed 
and came and that night and the next niorninge all oure soulders 
were imbarked againe and the ordnance which were in the forte we 
brought away beinge 8 bras colverin. 

Now we lay still all fry day and did nothinge but looke uppon 
the Towne and reseve all the shott they inayd at us. 

Uppon Satterday about 10 of the duke our Admyrall put forth 
a flagg of Counsell wheruppon all we Captans repared to his shipp 
where we gave attendance about 2 liowers At last my Lo : came 
forth and said to Sr Thomas Love^^ tliat he understood that the 
wind was good and that if we did not psently way ancker and 
begone we miglit lose our jorney and comamled us all to retorne to 
oure shipps which was all the counsell we had for that time. 

But take notice that the wind was good from Thursday night to 
that time out it seames that they who were about my Lo : was 
ether ignorant or careles that they did not inform him of it before 
that tyme. 

So we came away out of tlie harbor with all speed but with 
bevy harts and shame enough both to oure selves and Nation. 

But before we were irott 3 leaires of the wiiul was iust airainst 

us so that about Sun settinge we came to an anker in 17 fathom 

water, yet at midnight the wind beinge somewhat larger we 

wayd agane and so got of a litle furtlier so at last through much 

fowle wetlier we gott tlie leight of tlie Sother Cape the 7 of No : 

wher we were forcd to ly tow and agane betwixt tlie degrees of 36^ 

31. Capt. Thomas Love, like Lev- j land. He was kinglited Sept. 25, 1G25, 
ett, was interested in the New World, a few days before the sailing of the 

being one of the Council for New Kng- lleet. 


and 37|- untill the 20th of the month to mete with the playte 
fleight. ■ . 

"Wher we lay in the most confused maner that ever was sene 
and contrary to all men of war courses, l3'ing still in the day 
tyme and salinge in the night and thus we contenewed untill tlie 
16th day, and then contrary to oure orders we came into 39 fol- 
lowiuge oure Adm^Talls as we were comanded at tlie first. 

Short!}' after we had such fowle wether that we were disparsed 
agane and so we contenewed untill the 27th day and seinge 2 
Shipps with flaggs in there foretopps we bore to them hopinge the 
greatest pte of the fleet had bene there, but there we mett with no 
more then 2 kings shipps and 3 more and that day blowinge litle 
wind I sent my bote aborde the bonaventure to know if they had 
any orders or knew what we should do as allso to intreat a litle 
beare we havinge druneke none nor beverage for S days before nor 
scarse sweet water and I thanke m}" Lo : Cromwell and Captan 
Jellburt they sent me a runh't of 10 gallans which did me great 
pleasure as allso my men tould me that they had no orders nor had 
sene the Admyrall in 10 days ])efore and wislied for a good wind 
to carry tliem for Ingkmd so we kept company with these 5 shipps 
untill the i\t\ of December when we were in 4G^ and that night we 
lost one of the shipps as it seames by tackinge in the night the 
wind shiftinge but for the 2 kings sliipps and the other 2 we kept 
them com})any untill we came into Crooke haven in Irland where 
we arived the lltli of December fyndinge the rainebow and divers 
shipps there and otliers came in after us the next day. 

We stayed there untill tlie J 7th daye and tlien tlie sayde 2 kings 
shipps vide : the ]>unaventure and tlie dreadnouglit my selfe and 



the Anspedwell put to sea levinge the rest behind and arrived at 
dartmoth the 20th day of Desember thanks be to god. 

Kow uppon this evill suckses I know that as it was an ohl coiis- 
tom every one to put it of from himselfe to an other even when there 
was no more people in the workl but Adam and Evah so it will be 
at this tyme no man will be the cause of it. Xetlier will tlie stayte 
of Ingland be free from sensure for I have herd them taxed for 
these things followinge. 

1. Ifor delayinge so much tyme before they sent away tlie fleet. 

2. ffor sendinge it away in winter when the most of the shipps 
were not able to carry forth there ordnance ether by way of offence 
or defence. 

3. The sendinge away the fleet with so litle pvetion. 

4. ffor not giving the Gaptans there orders or Comyssions before 
they went to sea by which much confusion might have bene pvented. 

5. ffor sendinge unexperienced soulders such as was netlier wil- 
linge nor able to doe service but on the contrary niewtinus. 

But for my owne pte I am not of there mynds, because I am able 
my selfe suffetiently to answer these obiecktions as thus. 

1. ffor the delavinjre of tvme I kncnv not what polesv the state 
had in it nether is it fitt to be known. I^ut shure I am tliert' mi'^ht 
have come much L'ood tlierof. ffor as it seames it bredd a sccuritv 
in the enemy for this yere because there was nether any fieitt at 
sea nor much force levied by land, ffor all men will say that if 
there had been any fleet abrod the xVdmyrall and the rest of the 
shipps which we found in Calles rode would not have bene there 
and if there had bene any land forces levied sliure Calles whicli 
is a place of most importance would have bene full of suuhhu-s. 
And I thinke it may be proved tliat there was not above 500 there 
when we came. 2. 


2. If the polesy of the State was to come uppon the enemy 
when he did not expect us, then it could not be otherwyse. if 
Calles was the place aymed at or any other place to the nortli of 
the strates mouth then was the tyme good enough. Yet could I 
wisli there may be no more fleets sent forth in winter. 

3. The vittell if it had bene well used and the tyme well im- 
ployed would have served us until we had taken Calles and have 
keept it untill a supply had bene sent. 

4. Though it is strange that Captaus who ar trusted with the 
comand of Shipps could not be trusted with sealed Comiss : to be 
opened at severall tymes and places and thougli the want of them 
bred much confusion in this acktion and might have bred more yet 
the falte was not in the state of Ingland nor none tliat we left in 
Ingland but in f^ 

5. Thougli the soulders were unexperienced yet they were such 
as our Xation affords and such as have bene usually sent abrod at 
other tj'mes netlier could I peeve tliat ever they were backward in 
goinge when there comd led them forth which was never but when 
they mett with the sacke netlier did they then run aAvay for many 
stayed untill there tliroats were cutt nor tliat they were mutinus 
I did uot peeve though when they were full of wine there tonges as 
1 liere tlien ran at random. 

Xow if it be demanded of me what the cause of this ill suck- 
sesse might be I must answer in tlie first place that I feare every 
one of us sought oure owne ends more than gods glory and therfor 
it was iust with god to deny us good sucksesse. 

Secondly the want of I dare not say wliat. 

And if this will not give satisfaction if you please to redd for- 
wards you shall se what defeckts or falings I took notice of in this 



acktion and tlien I will leave you to iudge Allso to pardon me if I 
faille in my iudgment thoiigli I fere not what any can say that shall 
fynd them selves any Avay touched tlierin for I will say nothinge 
but what will be avouched by many thousands. 

Such tilings as I conceve was faling or not well carryed in tliis 
unfortunate acktion. 

1. Tlie sendinge to sea without comyssions or orders as well 
for the places of randevow in case we should be pted by fowle 
wether. As allso for a certan course in salinge. 

Though some Captans had them dd about 3 or 4 dayes after yet 
others wanted them untill they came at the Sother Cape and many 
never had any at all. 

But the want of them as it fell out did no greate hurte for when 
we came at Calles we myssed not above 6 of our fleett. 

But the want of an orderlv course in salini^^e caused some to 
lose their galleries lieads and bolsprits and others luid there sales 
torne from tliere yeards. 

And it was gods mercy that no more than o or 4 was cast away 
for the confusion was such that souu^ had tliere starbord when 
other had there larbord taks aborde so that in the nii-ht vou should 
have tow shipps come alonge one aganst the other and where there 
was nott good watch keept there was much hurte done. 

2. When we came uppon the Cost of Spa3'ne and liad made 
the Sother Cape we lay lingringe tow longe close aborde the shore 
by whicli meanes we were discovered as appered by the lights that 
night all alongst tlie shore and which was the cause of sendinge 
forces to Calles as was Imagened. 

3. When we might have bene before Calles bv S or 9 acloke 



in the morninge and so have had the day before us we came in a 
litle before sonne settinge. 

4. When we were come in and that my Lo : of Essex had be- 
gonne bravely with the Shipps that were there and drove them upp 
the river that he was not seconded by which meanes he was forced 
to come to an ancker and so the shipps whicli might easely have 
bene taken ur spoyled blocked them selves upp so as afterwards 
when we could we could not come at them. 

5. In that we did not at oure first cominge every shipp let 
fly a brod syde into tlie Towne and then psently have landed but 
halfe of oure soulders which might have bene donne without any 
greate danger for the wind was so that it would have drive the 
smoke into the Towne so that they could not have mayd a shott at 
us but at randome and then whether we should have taken it or no 
Judge for it may esely be proved that there was not at tliat tyme 
above 500 soulders there nor 20 pece of ordnance mounted. 

But we I'ay still all tliat night and saw them labor hard untill 
they had mounted there ordnance. 

6. Tliat no course was taken to block up tlie gallies in St. 
i\Iary porte which might have bene doniie with 6 sliipps by which 
negleckt tliey did contenewally carry soulders into the Towne and 
fetch away the treasure, which I am pswaded did excedingly dis- 
corage the most of oure men but espetially sucli as before could 
thinke of nothinge but gould silkes vellvetts &c. 

7. AYhen our soulders were landed and in tliere march towards 
the bridge metinge with at tlie least 70 butts of sacke at the 
Pucke of Modena his liowse tliat they did not make it good but 
spoyled it which would have releved the whole fleight many havinge 
nether sweet beare nor watter and amongst them my selfe was one. 



8. When tlie clesigne was (after oiue cominge from Calles) to 
lye at sea about the Sother Cape to mete with the playte Height 
that tliere was then no wyse or warrlike course taken for there we 
lay still in the daytyme and I think tliey had bene madd if they 
would have come nere us and in the night we sett sailie so that if 
we should hav mett with any shipps wc could not have knowne 
them from oure owne Height by whicli meanes they might have 
bene gone before morninge But if they had bene experienced men 
of warr then would they have gone tlnis to Avorke vide the three 
Admyralls to have seperated them selves with there squadrons and 
have agreed uppon a certan course of salinge as tlius one squadron 
to have stood close by a wiud the next to have stood 2 poynts larger 
and the the third 2 poyuts larger then lie and to have appoynted 
there place of randevow Then might they hav met with Shipps if 
there had bene any stiringe and if one squadron could not have 
fetched them upp they might have di'ive them uppon an other and 
if' all had myssed it had bene more then ill luck. 

^Example -' 



Allso we should have knowne"^ 
certanly how to have met agaiio 
which we could not doe as we 
carryed tlie busenes for we were 
pted the day of No : and if we sliould liave dyed for it 

we knewe not how to mete agane for if we had saled close aborde 
the shore we could not liave gote of agane and sluire I am it would 
have bene as good harboringe in tlie enemycs contry for 1. 2. 5 or 
10 shipps. ^ 

9. If when we came from CaHes we had liad orders to goe 
home we might have bene at liome iii 20 or 28 dayes wliicli if we 



had clonne there might have hene many mens lives saved much 
vittell and more money as the freight of shipps mens wages 
and the shipps wouhl liave gone forth agayne in a shorte tyme if 
the kin e and State sLoiihl have so thouirht it fitt. 

AVhat course I conseve is best to weaken the Spanyerd and most 
profitable for oiire owne Kation, 

1. To let him alone and not to medle with his comodyties 
which is nothinge to speake of but wine oyle and fnite nether to 
carry him any of oures And if he want our poore jolm heringe 
and pilcher^^ but one 7 yeres I verely beleve he will nether be able 
to live at home nor vittell his shipps to send them abrode. 

2. Block upp tlie passage of tlie Hamburgers Dunkerkers 
b}^ scouringe oure owne Chanell which will allso be a great securety 
to oure owne Nation and is as I tliinke an acktion of uessessety as 
the case pow stands. 

3. ffortefy our fishinge places of New Ingland and New found- 
land which allso I thinke must of nessessetv be donne or otherwise 
it is to be fered we shall lose a more profitable Contry then the West 
Indes for I hould that the Seolls of fish there is better then tlie 
myndes elsewhere and this may be donne with litle charge (in com- 

32. Poor Johns and j^H^'hards. 
The first were hake salted and dried, 
and the latter a kind of herring caught 
in large quantities on the coast of 
Cornwall. Pilchards, wlien smoked, 
were called by the Spaniard,s/u//iru?o5, 
which was corrupted by tlio Cornish 
fishermen into fairinaids. Both the 
poor Johns and pilchards were ex- 
ported extensively to Spain and other 
Roman Catholic countries, and were 

a staple article of food during Lent 
and on fast days. Tlie poor Johns 
were so named because, being a cheap 
and coarse article of food, they were 
much .sought by the poor. 

Masslnger alludes to their use thus ; 

" I would not be of one religion that 

sliould command me 
To fct'd upon i)oor John, when I se« 

And partridges on the table." 


parison) and in tlie very ackt we shall be inriclied ffor first oure 
Shippinge which is like now for want of trayde to be still may 
be imployed as allso oure inarreners. 

Kay I will undertake to set downe a course. 

1. How with one subsedy New Ingland shall be mayd good for 
ever without any more cliarge to oure kinge and ISTation. 

" 2. Tliat in consideration of that one charge oure Nation shall 
for ever receve from thence such a yerly profitt as shall inayntayne 
a reasonable army or fleet or mayntayue all the poore. 

3. That within the space of 20 yeres there shall be nether beg- 
ger nor any poore people that shall need mayntinance from par- 
rishes except blynd lame and ould people tliat shall not be 
able to worke. 

4. That out of this one charge they shall have every yere (after 
they shall be fortefyed) a shipp of 500 ton bulke and fitted with all 
tacklinge except Iron worke wliich what a strength it will be 
to oure Nation let all men Judge. 

5. That they shall be able to doe more hurte to the kinge of 
Spayne and his West Indes tlien all Ingland besides as tliey are 
nearer and tiiey sliall bo in their wake by there ordynary course of 
trayde to the Stray tes. 

Now my desire is that iiowsoever these thinges may seamc 
strange and impossible to you at tlie first yet to spare your Censure 
untill I have made answer to all such obiecktions as shall be mavd 
aganst what I have sayd. And if his ALaiesty would be pleased to 
refer me ether to the Parlament Couusell Table or otlier Comission- 
ers to be examined if I doe not make good what I have sayd then 
let me be ponislied as a trobler of tlie State. 



Nether let any man tliinke that I have any sinister end in it for 
I will make it appere that I doe not desire to have any money in 
my hands or other trust reposed in me then to sett downe the 
course that must be taken or to lyne out the path that must be trodd 

And if I can bringe glory to god honor to my soveraj'ne and 
good to my native Contry then shall I tliinke my selfe more happy 
then if I had the whole world. 

Nor let the proiecht be the worse thought of for proceedinge 
from a meane & simple psonne for I assure you wlien I was in the 
Contry of New England I took more panes (tliougli to my cost) to 
fynd out the nature of tlie Contry tlie disposition of the inhabitants 
and the comodytios Avhich was there to be had as allso tlie best 
course to obtayn them then any man that was then in the Contry 
and I dare say further then any that ever was there before me 
Nether had any man those helpes that I had (I meane not of money) 
but for the advice of the most skillfull IMarchants and experienced 
fishermen that used that trayde or contry and for the Inhabitants 
I tliinke I know as well how to deale with them as any other. 

We know not the reply of the Secretary to Levett, 
if one was made ; but certainly his prayer for another 
ship was not immediately granted, since we find him 
some weeks later applying for a ship, to Nicholas, the 
Secretary and servile dependent of Buckingham, with 
whom it would seem he had also been in correspondence, 
and who was drawing from him a portion of his earn- 
ings, for so corrupt were the times, that no man could 



hold a place under the government without sharing his 
earnings with some parasite of the court. Even justice 
was a thing of traffic, and It had become simply a busi- 
ness transaction for men In place to accept bribes from 
those needing their favor and influence. Strangely 
enough, the stream of time, which has engulfed so many 
valuable records, has brought to us this Insignificant 
waif, for Nicholas preserved it, and doubtless placed it in 
his master's hand, in order to aid his correspondent. 
It seems proper to present this letter here, in order to 
show the manner of an age, In which a man like Levett, 
in order to obtain a merited position, was obliged to pur- 
chase the influence of those in public office. 

"Worthy Sk. 

I besech you remember me for a good sliippe when there shal 
be oceation. I assure you I will he very thankfull. I hope Capt : 
John Harvey 3-3 dJ a token to you frome me when I had my last 
warrant and another when the rest of the Captans sent to you 
from Portsmoth, when we had oure 100 nobles, hereafter I hope 
to show my selfe as thankfull and observant as any other. Good 
Sr. stand my frend to my Lo : for his warrant for this money layd 


33. Several of Levett's associcates, j by Levett received the honor of 
it will have been already observed, i Iviiii^hthood. Later we find him in the 
were interested in America. Capt. } position of Governor of Virginia. For 

John Harvey had voyaged to Virginia 
several years before. He was not only 
a good navigator but also a man of 
affairs, and shortly after his mention 

particulars concerning him, vide Vir- 
ginia Carolonim, by Edward I). Neill, 
Albany, N. Y., ISSO, pp. 30, 92, 100, 
115, ct passim. 



forth, and tlie one lialfe of it I will "willingly give unto you in token 
of my tliankfulliies. I have bene wtli the Commissioners and though 
some of them be willinge to pleasure me yet they say there is no 
meanes to gett it but by the Duckes owne warrant. Thus craving 
pdon for my bouldnes I rest 

You re fathfuU and 

observant frende 
Febr : this 2Sth ^^ 

1626. ^ 6^^^^ ^^% 

Endorsed : 

To his much Honored frend 
]\[r Neicolis Secretary to the 
Ducke of l^uckingha his 
Grace these / 28. Febr, 1626. 


When this letter was written, Buckingham was in 
no mood to give It attention, for he was before ParHa- 
ment, struggling to defend himself against charges of 
wrong doing too strong to be readily overcome even by 
him with the power of the throne behind him, and we 
find Levett, in a few weeks, again appealing to Coke, 
this time from Stoke's Bay, on board the Susan and 
Pollen. His fellow captains, equally anxious with him- 
self for employment, had rushed to London upon a 
rumor which had reached them of another expedition, 
which was soon to be orijanized for service In some direc- 



tion, and Levett, who had been appointed an associate 
Commissioner with Pennington, Buckingham's most use- 
ful tool in the disgraceful plot against the protestants 
of Rochelle, already spoken of, was unable to leave his 
post to make a personal appeal to the Secretary, hence 
this letter. 

To THE Bight Honorable S« John Cooke Principall Seck- 


night Honorable 

Havinge bene an antiant suter to you for a better Sliipp (then 
that I liad the hast voyage and yet doth houkl beinge a Colyer) And 
recevinge sueh an lionorable answer from you as I did, I have ever 
since lived in hope to exeliange hir for some pncipall marcliant or 
other ]:>ut I confes such petty things as this is not worthy the 
thinking of by so lionorable a psonnge as youre selfe Yet I besech 
youre Honor seinge that a word of youre moutli will doe it make me 
so happy as once to comand a good sliipp and then I will not only 
seace to troble you but allso indevor to show my selfe as I allways 
will be your fathfull servant. Here is a report that there are di- 
vers i\Iarchants Shipps taken upp for the Kings service wheruppon 
divers of oure Captans ar gone to London, but for my owiie pt I 
cannot stir beinge one of the Comisshoners in the absence of Cap- 
tan Tenington nether have 1 any frend to dei)end uppon, only I 
psume to declare my selfe unto youre Honor and so doth rest now 
and ever Youre Honors fathfull 

• ' and obedyent servant 

ft'rom aborde the Susan & 

Ellen now ridinge in Stocks ^^'h^^; ^^^^l 

bay this 1 of June IGl^G C- 



Although active in seeking employment, Levett had 
not forgotten his plantation in New England. What 
had become of his fortified house on the Island at the 
mouth of Portland Harbor, and the men left in charee 
of it, we know not. His Indian friends had long watched 
the sea in vain for the coming of "poor Levett," as they 
affectionately styled him. Levett's plan, as presented 
to Secretary Coke in his " Relation," was carefully form- 
ulated and laid before the king, probably through the 
agency of Nicholas and Buckingham, for but little could 
reach the royal eye without the latter's favor. But Lev- 
ett well knew the importance of able advocates and Coke 
was his friend, and already knew something of his plans, 
hence he again addressed him on the subject nearest his 

He was wearied with the petty jealousies and strifes 
of the narrow world about him, and longed, like many 
others, for the far off New^ World, with its free air and blue 
sky, and limitless stretches of forest, mountain and plain, 
across the great ocean, inaccessible to the pettiness and 
vanity which reigned wherever the influence of the court 
extended, making life irksome to manly hearts. 

" There is no man, " says Levett, " who knows better 
than myself what benefit would accrue unto this kingdom 
by New England if it were well planted and fortified ; " 




but although he was in a fair way to achieve his purpose, 
he needed the assistance whicli Coke could easily afford 
him, by supporting his petition to the king. If he would 
not do this, Levett begged the Secretary to put him in 
a good ship, that he might do the king service and not 
remain idle. The letter is as follows : 

To THE Right Wo^ Sr Joirx Cooke Pjiincepall Secratory op^ 
State and one of nis INEatiks jiost llo^ Preyey Counsell. 

Miglit llonorahle Tliougli I have liortofore E.9 such favors from 
you as makes me your servant till death yet I besech you give me 
leave once agayne to be a houmble sutor to yonre honor and I hope I 
shall no more troble you but be inabled thereby to shew ]ny duty 
in a more sufPetient manner tlien ever yet I could (though 1 have 
excedingly tliirsted after it) 

It hath pleased god to deny a blessinge to the labors of us all 
that hath been Imployed in liis iVIaties service at sea And I despayre 
of better suckses in any sliorte tyme for tliat I see allmost all men 
amongst us seeke more there owne ends then gods glory or there 
soveraigns honor. 

Youre llor knowes wluit op[>enu)n L of IS'ew England and 
my grounds for the same And T must node say the more I thiid^e 
of it the more I affeckt it. There is no man knowes better than 
my selfe what benitit would aecrew unto this kingdome by that 
Contry if it were well planted and forte lyed wch makes me so desirus 
to tread out a patli that all nu'ii may follow. 

I am now in a fayre way to it only 1 want a little helpe to further 
me (well if I may so say the putting tow of the very tope of youre 



finger would purchas it for me) The pteciilers I have mentioned in 
a petition to his Matie ^I could hope that my requests will not 
seame alltogether unreasonable or my selfe utterly unworthy to 
be rewarded.) But forsackiu<2-e all vayne confydence I flv unto 
your Hor as my only medyator unto his ^Vlafie for the obtaiuinge of 
my request Humbly beseching you to stand my friend at this 
tyme (and at once to nuike me as hap]\y as this world can make 
me.) But if my sute sluill seame unreasonable unto youre Honor 
then I besech you put me into a good Sliipp that I may doe his 
Matie service any way anl not ])e Idle Thus houmbly craving 
pardon for this my tow much bouldnes in psuminge to be thus bould 
I rest ever your Hor fathfiil servant 

Dartmoth this j^ . 

29th of Xo: ^-/-^^H: ^-^¥f \ 

162G. ^ 

For nearly a year we lose sight of Levett amid the 
confusion which everyw^here reigned. Tlie Queens 
Roman CathoHc household was broken up by the King, 
who could no longer tolerate the idle and overbearing 
priests, who had her spiritual welfare in their keeping, 
and the dissolute and superciHous crew, who danced 
attendance upon her, and they were all packed off to 
Paris with much useless paraphernalia. This done, the 
Kino- and BuckinHiam set their wits to work to devise 

o o 

some method to get the people, who were becoming 
dangerously clamorous, into better humor. One of their 



acts was especially censured, the odium of which attached 
principally to Buckingham, namely, the attempt to force 
Encflish Protestants to destroy their French brethren of 
Rochelle, and it was thought that by fitting out an expe- 
dition to support the latter against the King's brother-in- 
law of France, the popular mind would be turned in 
their favor. It was an artful scheme, and BuckinQ-ham 
bent all his energies to put it into operation. A fleet of 
seventy-six vessels was gathered, and sailed with a great 
show of piety in the early summer of 1627, but when it 
appeared before Rochelle, so much was the English King 
and Buckingham distrusted, that the people of that city 
refused to permit it to enter their harbor; hence Buck- 
ingham turned away, and falling upon the isle of Rhe, laid 
siege to the castle of St. Martin. After vain attempts 
to capture this formidable fortress, he was obliged to 
abandon it with the loss of a large portion of his army, 
and to return to England to face greater unpopularity 
than ever. 

We can hardly understand why Levett was not with 
Buckingham in this expedition, but we know* that he 
was in England awaiting some response to his petition, 
and probably making constant efforts to draw support to 
it; indeed, we find him writing to Coke, shortly before 
the return of Buckingham's ill-starred expedition, enclos- 


ing a letter from " a servant in New England," probably 
one of the men left by him to keep his house In Casco 

Chafing under disappointment, Levett forcibly ex- 
pressed his regret that the King should permit such a 
country to fall Into the hands of an enemy who would, by 
its possession, be as well provided for building and furnish- 
ing ships as any prince in the world ; and he assured the 
Secretary that if the King and Council thought it worth 
preserving, he was as capable of undertaking its fortifica- 
tion as any one of the King's subjects. " I beseech your 
Honor," he wrole, " let not the multiplicity of weighty 
and chargeable affairs, which are now in hand, cause this 
to be neglected," for, If this should be done, " much 
damai^e and dishonor must certainlv ensue." He closed 
by expressing his readiness to attend, upon notice, an 
audience in London. The full text of this letter Is here 

To THE Eight Hoi^ie Sr John Coive Pkixcepall Seckatoky to 
HIS Matie and one of his honokable Prevy Counsell 


Rig] it Honorable 

I have a letter from a gent (tliougli a servant of niyne in New 
Englande) well though it eoiiserne my owne pteeuler very mueli 
yet in my understaudinge it doth allso conserne the kinge and state 



And therfore I thought good to send it to jowv honor leavinge 
the consideration of it to youre wisdome Onl}- give me leave to 
say tliis much tliat in my oppeinon it were greate i)etty his ]\Iatie 
sliouhl lose sucli a Contry but a tliousand tymes more petty that his 
enemy should enjoy it for if he should I am shure he would be as 
well lilted for buildinge of sliip})es as any Prince in tlie world and 
not the worst pvided for vittlinge of his shippes. Of what conse- 
quence this may be you know best. But if in tlie Judgment of his 
Matie.and you tlie Lords of Ids Counsell it be a Contry worth tlie 
houldinge Then give me leve to spoke bouldly (yet under correck- 
tion) I know as well how to make that Conti'v erood against an 
enemy as any Subieckt his iMath* liath and can due it wth a tenth 
])te of the Charge that an other shall demand nay wth no Charge at 
all in Compariison if a fite tyme be taken I have knowne divers 
JSfarchants under goe a greater charge in a months tyme for ])ven- 
tion. I besech youre Honor let not the multeplessity of weiglitie 
and Chargable affayres wch are now in luiiid cause this to be 
negleckted ifor I assure you if it be not spedely put in execution much 
damage and dishonor must certanly ensue If youre honor thinke 
]iie worthy of Audyence I shall be redy to attende u})pon notice wch 
I may spedely have dwellinge in Sherborne a porte Towne in the 
Kode to Plimoth. Thus lioumbly cravinge pdon I rest ever your 
Honors most obedyent servant 

Shevbovue this | ^^^. ^^^^, ^^^/f \ 

10th of October : j 

Buckingliam, returning from his failure at Rlie, landed 
at Plymouth, and proceeded at once to London, passing 

• through 


through Sherborne, where Levett saw him, and in spite 
of his preoccupation, managed to get his ear, and speak 
a few words in behalf of the New England project. This 
he immediately communicated to Coke, and told him 
that Buckingham desired one of his gentlemen to call 
his attention to this subject when he reached London. 
Levett also enclosed a plan setting forth his views 
relative to New England, and pressed the Secretary to 
examine it. If desired, he would visit London, but if 
nothing was done, he declared that he should be forced 
to give orders to those in his employ, who were engaged 
in iishino^ in New Eno:land, to return home. The letter 
to Coke, with the enclosure, is as follows : 



lihjlit IJonomhle 

I made bouldp to send unto you a letter wcli came from a servant 
of myne in New England but have heard nothinge since how you 
stand affeekted to the Ijusenes wch makes me presume once more to 
solicett youre Honor to be a trend unto it And the ratlier for that 
u[>pon "Wednesday last att night I did acquaint my Lord ducke in 
pte it who seamed to like it well and wislit i\[r Henry Croo to 
l)ut him in mvn<l of it when he came to Lon<lon I besech your 
Honor wthall to take notice of this enclosed and if vou sii^nifv unto 
me that you would have me come upp about it I will not be longe 



absent otherwyse I shall be inforced to give order to my servants 

to come away wth there shippes that ar now ^oing to fish there 

thus hopingc of youre Honors favorable acceptance of my dutye I 


Youre Honors obedyent servant 

17th of No: 1627 


The tynie of danger is from tlie begininge of June to the last 
of January or therabouts All wch tyme there is no English shipps 
uppon tliat coste ffor tlie fleet of ffishermen doe comonly arive there 
in January and ffebr : The fisliinge contenewes untill the begininge 
of ^ray and b}' the ende of tliat month comonly they dept 

The manor of the fhshermen is to leave there shallops in the 
Contry untill tlie next season every sliipe in that harbor when they 
fish There may be of them in all about 3 or 400 and if they want 
there botts they may easily be pvented. 

If an enemy should come it is likly tliey will put into the first 
harbor they make for it is dangerous lyinge longe for shipps 
uppon that coste wtliout extraord3mary good pilotts. The coste 
beinge full of depe bayes broken ishands and souncken rocks Xow 
they can come into no harbor but they shall fynde botts for the trans- 
portinge of there men alongst the costes to any place they desier 
wherin is the greatest danger for they cannot march by lande And 
it is not like tliat there will come any great flett to take up many 
harbors the planters beinge in all not above 300. 

The first thinge wch I conseve fitt to be done is that all men 

* be 


be comanded at the end of tliere voyage to bri age all there shallops 
into one harbor and tliere to have them untill the next yeare And 
the fittest harbor I conceve to be quacke (but by me in my dis- 
covery named Yorke) beinge the most prineepall in the Contry and 
in the mydst of all the fishinge. 

The next thinge is to fortefye that harbor wch may be donne 
will 4 shipp's Avherof three to be colyers of IG pece of ordnance and 
one good Marchant man. 

The next 'is to draw all the planters to that place bt if that 
shall be found unfittiiige then to give them some arms and mew- 
nyshon for there defence. 

Xow though there be no danger of enemyes untill June yet I 
hould it the best tyme to send away there sliipps before the last of 
the psent month for these reasons. 

flirst by this meanes they beinge in the Contry all the fishinge 
season there is no doubt by gods helpe but all the charges of the 
voyage will be defrayed at the worste. 

Secondly they shall have the helpe of all the fishermen at divers 
tymes to worke about fortefycations beinge that tliey shall therby 
be more secured to use there trayde more frely wch thinge will be 
very advantageous there beinge at tlie hnist -1000 men every fishinge 
season in the Contry who ar able to dov much in a little tyme and 
wthoute anv cliarcre to his ]\[atie. 

These tliinges I doe wish may be spedely considered of and 
spedely put in execution least when it be tow layte it ha repented 

And to conclud tlius much I will sav under corecktion If his 
IShxiie please to give me Coinislion to take 4 of tliese shipps w^ch 
ar now in his service maned with 300 men such as ar lltt for that 



employment ffitt them wtli all thiiigcs nessesary for a fisliiiige 
voyage (as all mercliant sliipps ar well goe thether to fish) and 
vittell for 12 months compleate then by gods assistance I will 
undertake to doe these things. 

1. Doe my best endevor to take in-ises beinge likly to mett 
wth divers in the way both outward and homeward bounde. 

2. Secure that coste from enemyes or at least that harbor untill 
the flett of ffishermen (wlio ar now about 40 or 50 saile and reason- 
able stroilge) come agane. 

3. By the end of iMay next pvide so much fish and oyle as 
shall countervalle the cliarge of all the vittell and mewnyshon and 
after wards bringe home so much as shall pay all waiges and de- 
fray the rest of the charge 

4. Doe ni}^ best to surprise the bancke fishers wch if I faille 
to doe lott me not only be cashered with out pay or gratewety but 
also be imprisoned all the dayes of my life — pvided allwayes that 
the casuallties of the season and extraordynary and unusuall crosses 
be excepted and that it may presently be sett on foote tliat soe the 
next fishing season be not lost there being now tyme suffetient for 
fittin^e of all thiuG-es as I will undertake 

No : the ITtli 

1627. u- 

^/^^k: ^-r^O/f 

It is pleasing to find that Lcvctt's persistence at last 
bore" fruit. His project was brought before the King 
and Council, probably explained by himself in person, 
for we fnid, shortly after this last letter to Coke, an ex- 


traordinary proclamation Issued by the King, directed to 
the ecclesiastical authorities, requiring the churches of 
the realm to take up a contribution In behalf of his 
colonial enterprise In Casco Bay. That such a contri- 
bution should have been ordered by the King, and sanc- 
tioned by the Privy Council, Is remarkable. This unique 
instrument sets forth important facts in Levett's scheme. 
We are informed by the King, that Colonial enterprises 
in New. England having been interrupted by his diffi- 
culties with France and Spain, It had become necessary, 
in order to secure English Interests there, to render as- 
sistance to those who had entered upon such enterprises, 
and that, as his " well beloved subject," Captain Christo- 
pher Levett, was willing to risk to the utmost both life 
and estate in order to establish a colony in New England, 
and was well acquainted Vv^Ith the Indians, he had thought 
best not only to make him governor of New England, 
but to order churchmen to contribute means to aid him 
in his undertaking, the success of which would strengthen 
the kingdom, and enable the poor and Ignorant savages 
to acquire a knowledge of the true faith ; a work which 
especially commended itself to the King's affection. 

This interesting document should engage our atten- 




CHARLES by the grace of god king of England, Scotland, 
Fraunce & Ireland defender of tlie faitli &c. To all to wliom these 
pnts shall come, Greeting. 

Whereas we liave benn enfornied that in respect of the differ- 
ences betweene iis & the kings of Spaine & Eraunce^ divers of or 
loving subjects as well such as are adventurers in the planta(;on of 
JS'ewe England, m America, as sucli as are well enclyned to become 
adventurers there, are soe much deterred and discouraged both from 
proceeding wth what is b«\gun & wliat is by them intended, that 
except some spiall care be now taken, and some psent meanes 
rayscd, for ye securing of the Fisliing tliere, andthe safetie of tliose 
Coasts from forreigne enymies ; They wch have already adventured 
in that planta(;on, are likely to wth drawe their estates and people 
from tlience and those tliat ha}»pily may desire tliemselves & for- 
tunes in the same are by this meanes altogeather discouraged and 
disabled, to proceed to their intenron ; And wiiereas or many urgent 
occasions doe at this prsent soe farr engage us for the necessary 
defence of this or Realmos and dominions as we cannot in due 
time give any assistance, or ])rovide for the securing of tliosc 
remote pts wth sucli succor and rd-'ife as may prove recpiisite, in 
a case of that i]nportance, wliereby that plantacon soe happily begun 
and likely to }>rove soe ad\antagit>us and proiitable, to vs and or 
subjects, in regard of the many comodities Sc IMchandize thence to 
be liad, and the store of Tynd)er there groweing, very necessary for 
the provision of Shipping for the dtd'ence of or kingdomes is likely 
to be utterly lost and abandoned to the dishonor of usandornaron 
and the advantage & encouragenuMit of or enimies; And whereas 
we have benn enformed that or welbeloved sul)ject Ca})teyne 



Christopher Levett being one of the Coimcell for the said phanta^on, 
and well knoweing the said country and the harbors of the same, 
and the strength and disposi(;on of the Indians inhabiting in that 
Country, hath undertaken and offred to add unto his former ad- 
venture there all his estate, and to goe in pson thitlier, and by gods 
assistance either to secure the planters from Enimies, keepe the 
possession of the said Country on or belialfe, & secure the fishing 
for or English sliipps, or else to expose his life & meanes to tlie 
uttermost pill in that seruice, Uppon wch his Generous and free 
offer we have thought fitt, by the advise of or privy Councell, and 
appointed him to be Governor for us in those jxi^ts, And because 
the Cliarge in prparing furnishing and setting forth of Shipps for 
this service at tlie first, wilbe very greate, soe as wtliout the helpe 
and assistance of others (well wishers of those ])lanta(;ons,) those 
designes cannot be soe well accomplished, as we desire; 

Now knowe yee that we out of the love and affec(;oii wch we 
beare to works of this nature and espially for the propagaron of tlie 
true religion wch by this meanes may be effected, by converting 
those Ignorant people to Christianitie ; 

Have thought fitt by the advise of or sd privye Councell to com- 
mend this soe pious a woike to the considera(;on and assistance of 
all or loving and vreldisposed subjects ; not doubting but they, 
(well weighing the necessitie of tliis worke and considering the 
prsent troubles of tliese times) wilbe ready and willing to yield such 
assistance to the same by their voluntary contribu(;oii towards the 
effecting thereof, as male in some measure hel])e to defray the 
})rsent Charge, now to be dispended for the accom])lishing thereof, 
for the honnor and safetie of this kingdome and the upholding of 
the said planta(;on ; Wherefore or will & pleasure is and we doe by 



tliese pnts will require & comaund all and singlar Arclibisliops, 
Bisliops, Arclideacons & deanes, wtliiii their severall dyoces and 
Jurisdic(;ons, tliat fortlnvitli uppon siglit of these or Ires patents 
they comaund & cause the same or the true Lreife thereof to be read 
and published in all the severall pish Churches of & wthin their 
severall dyoces prcincts, and Jurisdic^;ons, and that the Churchwar- 
dens of every severall "Dishe shall frather & collect all such some 
and somes of money, as shalbc freely and voluntarilye given & con- 
tributed to the purposes aforesaid, and the same being gathered and 
collected, fortlnvth to pay and deliver over unto the said Capteyne 
Christopher Levett or to such person or psons as shalbe by him in 
writing under liis hand and scale thereunto authorised^ and ap- 
pointed, whom v/e doe thinke most fitt in regard of his said imploy- 
ment to be trusted wth the disposing of the same. In witnes 
whereof we have caused these or Ires to be made patents for the 
space of one whole yeare next ensueing the date of these pnts to en- 

AVitnes Sec. 

Exr per KO HEATH. 

IMaie it please yor most Ext ]\ratie 

'J.liis conle3-neth yor ]\[ats graunt for a generall and free contri- 
buron to be collected of such of vor ]\[ats suljiects as shalbe there- 
unto willing for tlie mayntennce of the plantaron in Newe England, 
and to be paid to Captf^yne Christopher Levett whom yor IMatie is 
pleased to trust tlierewth in respect of yor ]\rats Kesoluron to ap- 
poynt him CJovt'rnor tliere 

And is duDue b}' order from the Councell l)0ard, signified l)y 
Sr Willm Leeclier. liO. HEATH. 



Eudorsed. Foljruary 1G27. Expr. apud Westmr uiideciino die 
Febriiarii Anno E. E. Carol Tertio 

WooDWAKD Depte jMay. 
Collection for New England. 


lltli Eebniaiy 1G27. 

Mr. Caldwell. To passe l)y the lo : Conway. 

The contribution In the churches was taken up as 
directed by royal authority, and the proceeds paid to 
Levett ; but what the amount was is not recorded, nor 
do we know what steps Levett took towards ultlmatlng 
his plans. It Is probable that the contributions w^ere 
insufficient to afford hini the necessary support; indeed, 
the low ebb to which the finances of the people had been 
reduced by misgovernment ; the unpopularity of the 
King and his chief adviser, and the shadowy nature of 
the enterprise which the people were called upon to 
assist, were such as to afford uncertain ground upon 
which Levett could reasonably build his hopes. He, 
however, prepared an extended account of his explora- 
tions and experiences In New England, which were 
printed by William Jones, who had printed his book on 
Timber Measures. This book; which will always possess 
a deep interest for the historical student, was published 
in 1628. 

On April 19th of tills year, we find Levett before 



Parliament with a petition respecting the two bridges 
leading into Doncaster, a town on the river Don about 
thirty miles southwest from the city of York. These 
bridges were called the Friars Bridge, then comparatively 
new, having been carried away by a flood in 1614 and 
shortly after rebuilt, and St. Mary's bridge, now known 
as the Mill Bridge, and furnished an important entrance 
to the town. 

Among his many grants of privileges, King James, in 
1605, granted a patent to William, the uncle of Christo- 
pher Levett, to collect tolls at these bridges, but for 
some reason, the patent lay dormant until 1618, when 
Levett, began to enforce his rights. 

So far as we can learn, Levett continued to collect 
tolls until 162S, when the clamor against monopolies 
reached the little town of Doncaster, and its citizens 
suddenly. awoke to the fact that they had a monopoly in 
their midst, and they at once declared it a grievance. 

It would seem that Christopher Levett had some 
interest in the patent of his uncle; hence his petition to 
Parliament, which, however, was not retained, Parlia- 
ment beimr then in no mood to favor anvthino- which 
savored of monopoly ; but a few weeks later a petition 
agai]"ist the objectionable patent was considered, and 
soon after it was declared to be " a Grievance to the 




Subject, both in the Creation and Execution," and the 
good people of Doncaster, without doubt, greatly to their 
satisfaction, were able to cross their bridges free of toll.^^ 
On the twenty-third of August, Buckingham was 
stricken down by the knife of an assassin, and the King 
found himself in straits all too perilous to help any sub- 
ject, however " well beloved." It was a season of terrible 
agitation, and yet we may believe that Levett, in spite 
of it all, was busy with his scheme of settlement in New 
England whither so many anxious minds were turning, 
thouQ^h we mav not be able to distimruish clearly amidst 
the turmoil and' confusion, the man who could entertain 


Z\. The following are extracts fn^ia 
the Journals of rarlianicnt, British 
Museum ; 

1(528, 10° Aprilis, 4° Caroli, Kegis. 
A Tftilion from Christoi^her Levett 
read. Upon Queslit)n tliis Pttiiion not 
to be retained. 

27 Mail. A Petition against Levett 
reaii ; And he to be sent for to attend 
this House and bring his Patent* 
with him ; for tliis to be heard the 
^yedne^dalJ seven night after Whit- 

12° Junii. The Knights, Citizens, 
ami lUirgesses of York^hyre and 
Yoike to examine Levetts' (Patent) 
for the Toll, this Aftt-rnoon, in the 
Court of Wards. 

♦For a Toll at Two Bridges iu Yorkshire. 

Sir Tho. Went worth reporteth the 
Business, concerning the Toll granted 
to I.ei-ett for Two Bridge in Yorke- 
shyre, to him and his Heirs, to be 
holden in socage of East Gree', at 
20s Kent, with Power to seize Goods, 

No Grant hereof, till 2o Jue, nor 
any Fruit of it, till loo Jue. The 
P>ridges ancient, in good repair, some 
particularly bound to repair it. 'J'his 
Patent adjudged by the Committee 
a Grievance to the Subject, both in 
the Creation and Execution. 

I^pon Question so adjudged here, 
The Drawing up of a Petition to the 
King, concerning this Grievance, re- 


his companions in suffering with merry old sayings, 
while enduring the rigors of a New England winter with- 
out roof, bed or board. We may believe this, because, 
amid the confusion which rei^'ned in old Ens^land during^ 
this entire year, we know that plans were elaborated for 
a colony on the shores of Massachusetts Bay, and John 
Endicott, with a band of hardy men holding a patent 
from the Council for New England, crossed the Atlantic 
and laid the foundations of Salem. 

Just what interest Levett had in this undertaking 
we may never know, yet when Winthrop cast anchor in 
Salem Harbor on tJiat ever memorable twelfth of June, 
1630, he records that " Mr. Pierce came aboard us and 
returned to fetch Mr. Endicott, who came to us about 

two of the clock, and with him Mr. Skelton and Capt. 

We way well enquire how Christopher Levett came to 
beat Salem at this time. His interest in New England 
was certainly such as to bring him naturally into relations 
with others possessing a siniilar interest; besides, the 
wide publicit)' which the king's proclamation gave him, 
followed by the pul^lication of his book — acts which may 
have directed the thou$jhts of Endicott and his associates 
New Englandward — must have emphasized the impor- 

35. Vide the History of New V.n^- | Vol. I, p. 30. 
land by John AVinthrop, Boston, lSo3, I 


r , ■ - 

tance of Levett's council to those who contemplated emi- 
gration to a land, which to most was a terra incognita, 
but with which he was well acquainted. 

It is not strange then, that Christopher Levett was 
one of the first to greet Winthrop upon his arrival in 
New England. He must, however, already have dis- 
posed of his patent in Casco Bay, which, we know, passed 
into the possession of Plymouth merchants. 

When Winthrop met Levett at Salem, he was there 
in command of a ship, in which he sailed shortly after for 
England, bearing letters from Winthrop's company to 
their friends at home. Levett, however, was not again 
to behold the green shores of old England. On the 
voyage home he died, and, instead of reposing with his 
kindred in Yorkshire, he found burial in the great ocean 
which has entombed so many brave adventurers. 

The letters which he was takinor home from Win- 
throp's colony never reached their destination. By some 
means they fell into the hands of their enemies, Morton, 
Gardiner and others, and when these men petitioned the 
Privy Council on December 19, 1632, to enquire into 
the methods by which the colonists' charter from the 
king was procured, and the alnises practiced under it, 
some of these letters, which contained indiscreet refer- 
ences to the Church government in England, were 





brought into requisition to sustain tlie action of the 
petitioners. On tlie twenty-second of the January fol- 
lowing our last unsatisfactory glimpse of Christopher 
Levett at Salem, his widow made a sad journey from 
Sherborne to Bristol, where his ship had brought his 

personal effects. ^^^ 

A few 


oo. Frances, the widow of Chris- 
topher Levett, administered on his 
effects on Jan. 22d, 1G:]0, as will be 
seen from the following, extracted 
from the Probate records of ]>rislol : 
Christofer L. 

4 A dmon Actios 1-33. 
Mense Januar/j 1030, Br'a^toll. 

Vecesimo secuiido die emaimvlt 
coniissio ffrancisce Levitt vidiuv. re- 
licte Chrlstoferi Levitt wtpcr de Sher- 
borne in conuf'da Dorsett dijuncti 
fiabents d-c. ad adiniiiistrtrnd homi 
inra et credita del dcfu.nctl de hcne 
dec. coram mri.% Htiirico Hart well et 
fferdinando Xicnll clico vif/nre co- 
miss^^is in ea i>te emanat &c, ..'9 li 
OS s 10 d." 

This was a little over seven mojitlis 
after he welcomed with Endicott, on 
the deck of the Arbella, the arrival 
of Wiutlirop in Sairm Harbor. Thir- 
teen months latfr, Winthru^) records 
the following; 

"By this slnp," the William, "we 
had intelligence from our friends in 
England, tliat Sir lYniinando Gurges 
and Capt. Mason (upon the instiga- 

tion of Sir Christopher Gardiner, 
Morton and Ratcliff) had preferred 
a petition to the lords of the privy 
council against us, charging us with 
many false accusations, but through 
the Lord's good providence, and the 
care of our friends in England, 
(especially Mr. Emanuel Downing, 
'who had married the governour's 
sister, and the good testimony given 
on our behalf by one Capt. Wiggin, 
who dwelt at rascata{iuack, and had 
been divers times among us.) their 
malieions practice took not effect. 
The principal matter they had against 
us was, the letters of some indiscreet 
persons among us, who lunl written 
against the church government in 
England, etc., which had been inter- 
cepted by occasion of the death of 
Capt. Levett, wlio carried them, and 
died at sea." {]^ide the History of 
New England, Vol. I, p. ll'A) 

The following extract from a letter 
written' by Kev. Henry Taynter to 
Joliu Winthrop, Jr , Mar. 14, I6'a2, 
also refers to the death of Levett. 
" In my letter to yonr honored father 
is enclosed one from a godly gentle- 



A few brief lines in the Probate records of Bristol, 
the home of Cabot, furnish us with the last vestige of the 
author of "A Voyage into New England," and the first 
English owner of the soil upon which now stands the city 
of Portland. 

woman and and a deere frinde of my 
wifes, concerninge some goods of 
Capt. Levett, her deceased husband, 
du unto her and her children." ( Vhle 
Mass, Hist. Coll., Vol. I, p 118.) Un- 

fortunately this letter of Levett 's 
wife, enclosed in Paynter's letter, has 
not been preserved with the Gover- 
nor's papers. 




gun 111 i6i^. and ended 

PaformeJ by Christopher Lsvett^ 

\waid of Scmerfet'Piire^ and 

"of New- EngbncL 

hisMaiciies Wood 



r;— i--:!^': 

"T'l — - ?'T 

Prbted at L H D o Nj by W ^ ^ i- J a m I o ^ ^^ 

and arc to bt- fold by Edward Tre^-Jhr, at the figac 
of thcBiblc in Pauks Cfeirch ^ard^ 



TO THE RIGHT Honorable, George Duke of Buck- 
ingham, his Grace, Thomas Earle of Arrounclell and 
Sumy, Robert Earle of Warzuicke, JoJiii Earle of 
Hoiildcr}i€s,?^\\^ \\\^ rest of the Counscll for N'czu- 


AY it please your Lordships, that whereas you 

^J\^1 rl irranted your Commission unto Cai^taine Rob- 

dMm III ^ 

I^^^^J ^yf. Corgcs, Governour of Ah-zu England, Cap- 


37. The Council for New England 
was incorporated Nov. 0, 1G20, under 
the title of " The Council csfablhhcd 
at PlijDioufh, ill the Conniy <>f Devon, 
for the plduting, ruling, ordrring and 
governing, of New England in Amer- 
ica" and was virtually a re-incor- 
poration of the members of the North- 
ern Colon}' of A'iririnia, in. order to 
place it on an eipial fooling with its ag- 
gressive rival, the Southern Colony, 
whose charter had already been twice 

Its membership coujprised forty 

persons, thirteen of whom were noble- 
men of high rank, and they were em- 
powered to hold territory in America 
extending from the Atlantic to the 
racific between the fortieth and forty- 
eighth parallels of north latitude, 
which extensive domain they were 
authorized to colonize and rule. 

The members named in this " Epis- 
tle Dedieatorie " were among the most 
powerful, viz: George Villiars, Duke 
of Buckingham, the corrupt favoriie 
of James and Charles I, who, at the 
early age of thirty-six years, met a 



talne Fraunces Wcst,^'^ myselfe, and the Governour of 
New Plimolh,^^ as Counsellers with him, for the ordering 


violent death at the hand of an assas- 
sin ; Thomas Howard, Earl of Arun- 
del, a member of the Kino;'s Friv}' 
Council in 1G07, and wlio after an 
active public life died at Tadua, lialy, 
Oct. 4th, IGIO; Kobert Rich, second 
Earl of Warwick, born in 1587, 
who was an active promotor of colo- 
nization during his eventfu.1 life, 
which ended April 19th, 1058 ; and 
John, Earl of Eolderness, born 1580, 
died 1025. Within the immense ter- 
ritory embraced by its charter, the- 
Council could establish such laws as 
it thought best for its interests, and 
could even extend its jurisdiction to 
ships coming to and going from its 
possessions. It was a great monop- 
oly, and was so regarded by the cal- 
low reformers of the period. Prior to 
Smith's visit to the region embraced 
by the Council's charter, it liad at 
first been called Norumbega, but later 
Kortlieru Virginia. The name. New 
England, first appears on Smith's 
map of 1014, and to this redoubtable 
navigator its origin is undoubtedly 
due, although a late writer claims 
that previous to this date, the title 
had been used. ( Vide Henry Hudson 
in Holland, by Henry C. Murphy, pp. 
4."]-C0.) The author bases this state- 
ment upon a map published at Ain- 
sterilam iji 1G12, wliere the title. Nova 
Albion appears. With regard to the 

origm of the word, Norumbega, there 
exists a wide divergence of opinion. 
Several writers claim it to be a native 
term, and even attempt to outline its 
etymology. {Vide Thevet's Cosmog- 
raphie. Vol. If, p. 1009. Vetroin lie's 
Ilistoiy of the Abnakis, p. 49.) It 
has also been claimed to be a relic of 
Norse occupation, like several other 
things which only a convenient the- 
ory, unassailable for want of knowl- 
edge respecting it, can fatlier. One 
of these writers derives it from Nor- 
ranbygda, meaning the Norse Coun- 
try. ( Vide Norambegue, Dccouvertc 
d'une quatrieme colonic Pre-Colum- 
bienne dans le Nouveau Monde, par 
Eugene Beauvois, pp. 27-02, and dis- 
covery of the Ancient City of Nor- 
umbega, by Eben N. Horsford, p. 10.) 
Mucli has been written concerning 
its extent. It is now well known 
that the Indians were not in the habit 
of giving names to large districts, and 
we may be quite sure that this name 
was never applied by them to the ex- 
tensive territory depicted on old maps, 
the bounds of which are so indefinite, 
and that if the word is of Indian 
origin, it had only a local appli- 
cation. Presenting itself in cartology 
in 1529 as Aranbega, it assumes from 
time to time a vai-iety of forms too 
puzzling to afford elements from 
which the etymologist can construct 



and Gouernlno^ of all the said Terretorles, wherein wee 

ttermost of our powers, as we 


haiie ben diligent to tlie v 

a satisfactory theory. (Vide the map 
of Hieronimus Yerr.izano, 1529, also 
for various particulars respecting it, 
l")eCosta's ^"orthinen in Maine, p 44. 
Collections of the Maine Historical 
Society, Vol. VIII, p. 3] 5. The Mag- 
azine of American Ilistt)ry for May, 
1^81. p. 392. Se wall's Ancient Do- 
minions of IMaine, p. 31.) 

38. Captain Francis West, whose 
brief connection with the early polit- 
ical history of New England deserves 
a passing mention, was the fourth son 
of Sir Thomas and Lady Anne (Knol- 
lys) West, and was born 28 October, 
1586, at Buckhurst, Withyecombe, 
Sussex. (" Bennett Boll " Magazine of 
American History, ix, 18, 40.) His 
•father, the second Lord De La Warr, 
was himself one of the illustrious 
members of tliat family, related to 
the Royal Hou.«%es of England, France, 
Scotland and Normandy, and which 
gained a merited prominence in the 
early colonization of America, be- 
queathing its name to one of our 
sovereign states. Captain Francis was 
"ail ancient planter" of Virginia, 
emigrating thither in inOS, (Colonial 
State Papers, ii. 15) and as early as 
I'JIO, was a local magistrate, govern- 
ing " at the Fades." (True Declar- 
ation of Virginia, KdO.) He held for 
many years a mendjer.ship in the Pro- 
vincial Council, being one of the sub- 

scribers to the stock of the Virginia 
Company, (Declaration of the State 
of Virginia. 1G20). In 1023 he was 
commissioned Admiral of New Eng- 
land as is shown by this entry in the 
Becords of the Council for New Eng- 
land, p. 21. "It is agreed on that 
there shall bee a Commission granted 
to Capt, Francis West to goe to New 
England, Capt. of the Shippe called 
ye planta(^on, and Admirall for that 
Coast dureing this Voyage, And this 
Clause to be insirted in his Com. that 
hee hath power to take any to Asso- 
ciate him there for the dispatch of 
his Imploymts, according as hee shall 
think meete. And that a pattent bee 
granted to Capt Thomas Squibb, to 
be ayding and Assisting to the Admi- 

Sr. Fer'i. Gorges is desired to draw 
upp Capt. West's Instructions." 

Shortly after his voyage to New 
England ho returned to Virginia, 
where he resumed his connection 
with the political affairs of the prov- 
ince. Upon the death of Sir George 
Yardley, Governor of Virginia, No- 
vember, 1027, he was chosen by his as- 
sociatea to fdl the vacancy, in the 
absence of Sir John Harvey, who 
v/as named in Yardley's commission 
as his eventual successor. (Bancroft, 
United States, (1870,) i, 152, comp. 
Burk, Virginia, ii, 22, 23.) This 



shall be ready to render an account vnto your Honors, 
when you shall be pleased to require vs thereunto. In 
the meane time, I thought it my dutie to present vnto 
your viewes, such obseruation as I haue taken, both of the 
Countrey and People, Commodities & Discommodities : 
as also, what places are fit to settle Plantations in, in 
which not, what courses are fit in my vnderstanding to 
bee taken, for bringing Glory to God, Hounour to our 
King & Nation, good vnto the 'Commonwealth, & profit 
to all Aduenturers and Planters : which I humbly beseech 
your Lordships to accept of, as the best fruits of a shal- 

office he retained for nearly two years 
till Harvey arrived, wlien be probably 
returned to England and became a 
privateersraan, bringing captured 
ships into English ports as prizes 
during the next two years, upon 
letters of marque. (IXimestic Calen- 
der, (Charles 1) 1027, IOl'8, 287, 1020, 
16:U, 720.) On the 2'.» May, lOoO, he is 
spoken of as " now in England." 
(Colonial State Papers, v, 9o.) 

In the quarrel between Harvey and 
the CouJicillors he took part against 
the Governor, but signed the treaty 
of peace, 20 December, 1G;]1, between 
the factions. He last appears on 
record at a meeting of the Council of 
Virginia in February, lOoo. There is 
a family tradition that he met his 
death by drowning. 

39. William Bradford, the second 
governor of the Plymouth Colony, 
whose record of the affair is as fol- 
lows : {Vide History of Plymouth 
Plantation, by William Bradford, 
Boston, 185G, p. 141.) "About ye 
later end of June came in a ship, with 
Captaine Francis West, who had a 
commission to be admirall of New 
England, to restraine interk^pers, and 
Buch lishing ships as came to fish &. 
trade without a license from ye Coun- 
sell of New England, for which they 
should pay a round sume of money. 
But he could doe no good of them, 
for they were .t('0 stronge for him, 
and he found ye fisher men to be 
stuberne fellows." 


low capasltie : so shall I thinke my time and charge well 
imploied, which I haue spent in these affaires. 

I haue omitted many things in this my discourse, 
which I conceiued to be Impertinent at this time for me 
to relate, as of the time of my being at Sea, of the strange 
Fish which wee there saw, some with wings flying aboue 
the water, others with manes, eares, and heads, and 
chasing one another with open mouths like stone Horses 
in a parke, as also of the steering of our Course, the ob- 
seruation of the Sunne and Starres, by which the eleua- 
tion of the Pole is found, the degrees of latitude knowen, 
which shews how far a ship is out of his due course, 
either to the North or South; likewise of the making of 
the land at our arriuall vpon the choast of Nciu England 
how it did arise and appeare vnto vs ; how every Har- 
bour beares one from another vpon the point of tl\e 
Compas : and what Rockes and dangers are in the way : 
how many fathom water is found by sounding at the 
entrance of euery Harbour : and from how many of the 
seuerall winds all the Harbours are land-locked. But by 
this meanes I thought I should not only be tedious, but 
also be in danger of losing myselfe, for want of fit phraises 
and sound iudgment, in the Arts of the Mathematickcs 
and Nauigation, (being but a young Scholler though an 




ancient trauiler by sea,) and therefore thought better to 
omit those, then anything I haue relate. 

Thus beseeching God to blesse your Honors, I rest 
at your Lordshippes seruice. 



. . . THE CONTENTS . . . 


Containes my dlscouery of diuers Riuers and Harbours with their names and 
which are fit for Plantations and which not. 


Sheweth how the Sauages carried them selues vnto me continually, and of my 
going to their Kings howses : and their coming to n:\ine. 


Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Sauages, and of their seuerall Gods, 
Squanto and Tanto. 


Containes a description of the Countrey, with the commodities and discom- 


Certalne objections and answers, with sufficient proofes how it may be exceed- 
ing profitable to the common wealth, and all Planters and Aduenturers. 


Sheweth how by aduenturing of 100 pounds more or lesse, a man may profit so 
much euery yeare for 20 yeares, or more without any more charge than at the 


Sheweth how euery Parrish may be freed of their weekely payments to the 
poore, by the profits which may be fetched thence. With certaine objections 
against the things contained in this and the former Chapter: with answers 
there vnto. 


Containes certaine directions for all priuate persons that intends to goe into 

New England to plant. 

fc.i& a5'®3>i-;icijL3£^a^.*ajnK£-t?!,5s!i^*^aKKi^^ 



Contaiiies my discoucry of diverse Riiiers and Harbours, 

with their names, and zvhicJi are fit for 

Plantations, and whieh not. 

v€% IT^I^iHE first place I set my foote vpon in New Eno- 
W^ W^ land, was the Isles of Shoulds,'^'' beino; Hands 
i^i^^^^^g^ in the Sea, about two Leagues from the Mayne. 
Ypon these Hands, I neither could see one good timber 
tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden. 


40. These islatids were first de- 
scribed by Cliarnplaitj in 1605, who 
called tliem " i^les asses hantes." 
Nine years hiter C'apt. John Smith 
bestowed upon them his own name. 
They were calU'cl Smith's Isles for 
several years, when shortly before 
Levelt's visit we find them called the 
" Hands of Sholes." Who first be- 
stowed upon them this name, which 
they still retain, is unknown. They 

are bare masses of ragged, grnniie 
rock, thickly strewn with boulders ; 
destitute of trees hut clothed in places 
with straggling bushes, which cling 
tenaciously to crevices in the liinty 
rock. They lie about six miles from 
the bhores of New Hampshire and 
are much frequented by summer tour- 
ists, with whom they are deservedly 



The place is found to be a good fishing place for 6 
Shippes, but more cannot well be there for want of 
convenient stage-roome, as this yeare's experience hath 

The Harbor is but indifferent good. Vpon these 
Hands are no Savacres at all. 

The next place I came vnto was Paimaiuay,^^ where 
one jlf. Tonison^' hath made a Plantation, there I stayed- 
about one Moneth in which time I sent for my men 
from the East : who came over in diverse Shipps, 

At this place I met with the Governour/^ who came 


41. Odiorne's Point, near the mouili 
of the Piscataqua. 

42. David Thompson, a Scotcli- 
man, was the agent for Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges and John Mason. He 
had e.stablished himself on the south- 
erly bank of the mouth of the Piscat- 
a<iua, at a phice called by the Indians 
I'annaway, shortly before Levett's ?.r- 
rival in tho country. He remained 
at this place but two years, when he 
removed to an island in Boston Har- 
bor which still preserves his name, 
where he died three years later, leav- 
ing; a wife and one child. 

In the Trelawny Papers is an in- 
tt-rc-iing letter signed by Amias 
Maverick, wife of Samuel Maverick. 
This letter, probably the only one of 
the writer's in existence, revealed for 
the first time the Christian name of 

Maverick's wife, which otherwise 
might never have been known, and 
now Frank W. Hackett, Esq., has 
made the further discovery, that 
Amias Maverick was the widow of 
David Thompson, to whom she was 
married at Plymouth, England, on 
July 13th, 1(313, ana that her family 
name was Cole. For a particular 
account of Thompson, xidc Proceed- 
ings of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society for 1876, pp. 358-381. Ibid 
for 1878, p. 214. Pecords of Massa- 
chusetts, by Natlianiel B. Shurtleff, 
M. D., Vol. Ill, p. 129 d scq. Ciiron- 
icles of the Pilgrims, Alexander 
Young, Boston, 18r)4, p. 350 et seq. 
Annals of Portsmouth, by Nathaniel 
Adams, Portsmouth, 1825, p. 10. 
43. Gov. Robert Gorges. 


thither in a Barke which he had from one Jl/. Wesfon^'^ 
about 20 dayes before 1 arived in the Land. 

The Governour then told me that 1 was joyned with 
him in Commission as a Counseller, which beinq; read I 
found it was so. And he then, in the presence of three 
more of the Counsell, administered unto me an oath. 

After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in 
two boats with all my company. 

In the time I stayd with AT. Tojisou, I surveyed as 
much as possible I could, the wether being vnseasonable, 
and very much snow. 

In those parts I saw much good Timber. But the 
ground it seemed to me not to be good, being very rockey 
and full of trees and brushwood. 

There is great store of fowle of diverse sorts, wherof 
I fed very plentifully. 

About two Enolish miles furtlier to the East, I found 


41. Thomas Weston was a Lon- 
don nierchaul, one of those b\' whose 
aid the I'ilgrims had been enabled to 
emigrate to America. The year 
before Levelt's arrival he had under- 
tiken to })Iant a coh:>ny at Wessa- 
gussett, now known as Weynionth, 
but iiis project had miscarried, and 
he had snffcretl considerable hard- 
ships, lie had been engngtd in fish- 
ing and trade along the coast with- 
out llie consent of the Council, and 
upon the arrival of the Governor, 

a great 

Kobert Gorges, who found his vessel 
in the harbor of Plymoulh, had been 
called to account by him. Governor 
Bradford, however, acted as a peace- 
maker and Weston escaped the pen- 
alty of an " interloper." After an 
eventful career his end is thus re- 
cordtd: "Jle dyed afterwards at 
Bristoil, in ye time r>f the warrs, of ye 
sickness in yt place." Vide History 
of riymouth riantation, by William 
Brailford, Boston, 185(5, note p. 154. 


a great River and a good harbour called Pascal iawayy" 
But for the ground I can say nothing, but by the relation 
of the Sagamore or King of that place, who told me 
there was much good ground up in the river about seven 
or eight leagues. 

About two leagues, furtlicr to the East is another 
great river called Aqitantcnticics.^^ There I think a 
good plantation may be settled, for there is a good 
harbour for ships, good ground, and much already 
cleared, fit for planting of corne and other fruits, having 
heretofore ben planted by the Salvages who are all dead. 
There is good timber, and likely to be good fishing, but 
as yet there hath beene no tryall made that I can heare 



45. The site of the present city of 
rortsmoulh, Kew Hampshire. The 
name here given is doubtless an ap- 
proxiniation to the sound of the In- 
dian name of the place as it appeared 
to the English. To the Freneh it 
was Tesmokanti. Ktyuiology, uhich 
is 60 often pressed into the service of 
theorists with amusing results, has 
been exercised upon this word, and 
ouo author as.uimes that it signilies 
right ati'jlcs, while another thinks 
that it meaiis the 'jrtat (her-jilncc. 
In the Trelawny I'apers, this, it is 
suggested, i.s the niuro probable 
meaning, but a longer study of 
Abnaki place names has tended to 

unsettle confidence in this meaning, 
as in numy others, confidently as- 
sumed to be correct by writers, none 
of whom possessed more than a frag- 
mentary knowledge of the Abnaki 
tongue, an intimate knowledge of 
which is not even sutficient to ensure 
accurate etymological results. 

4(). Agamcnticus, we are confi- 
dently tuld, signifies snow-shoe river, 
from the sha]>e of the pond forming 
its SDUice. 'J he i>lace was selected 
subse<iurntly by Sir lu'iilinando Gor- 
ges as the seat of his airy govern- 
ment, and named Gorgcana. It is 
now known as York. 


About 6 leao'ues further to the East is a harbour 
called Cape Porpas,'^'^ the which is indifferent good for 
6 shippes, and it is generally thought to be an excellent 
place for fish, but as yet there hath been no tryall made, 
but there may be a good plantation seated, for there is 
good Timber and good ground, but will require some 
labour and charo^e. 

About foure leagues further East, there is another har- 
bour called Sazt'co'^^ (betweene this place and Cape Porpas 
I lost one of my men) before we could recover the har- 
bour a ^rreat fos: or mist tooke us that we could not see 
a hundred yards from us. I perceiving the fog to come 
upon the Sea, called for a Compasse and set the Cape 
land, by which wee knew how to steare our course, 
which was no sooner done but wee lost sight of land, 
and my other boate, and the winde blew fresh against 
us, so tliat we were enforced to strike saile and betake 

- us 

47. This is still as Levett found it, 
"an excflleiiL place for fish/* and 
there has been '' a nortd plantation 
seated " tliore. The name, however, 
is not now applied to so extensive an 
area of territory as it was in early 

48. It is hanl to determine just 
the locality which Levt-tt denom- 
inates Saco ; but his lifscription com- 
prises Fletchers' Neck and Jiidde- 
ford Pool, as well as the islands, 

Wood, Nei,'ro, Kam, Kagle, Stage and 
Basket. The difficulties which lie 
in the way of etymologists, wiio 
would adduce meanings from the 
sounds of Abnaki words as preserved 
by early writers, are well illustrated 
in this word, which appeared to dif- 
ferent ears to be Sowocatack, Choiia- 
coet, Sawaguatock, and to I.evett 
Sawco, which last sound is preserved 
in the modern Saco. 


us to our Oares which wee used with all the wit and 
strength we had, but by no meanes could we recover the 
shore that night, being imbayed and compassed round 
with breaches, which roared in a most fearfull manner 
on every side us ; wee took counsell in this extremity 
one of another wliat to doe to save our lives, at length 
we -resolved that to put to sea againe in the night was 
no fit course, the storme being great, and the winde 
blowing right of the shore, and to runne our boate on 
the shore amongst the breaches, (which roared in a 
most fearcfull manner) and cast her away and indanger 
ourselves we were loath to do, seeing no land nor 
knowing^ where we were. At lensfth I caused our Killick 
(which was all the Anker we had) to be cast forth, and 
one continually to hold his hand upon the roode or 
cable, by which we knew whether our ancker held or 
no : which beinc: done wee commended our selues to God 
by prayer, & put on a resolution to be as comfortable as 
we could, and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent 
that nic^ht, and the next mornini^, with much adoe we. 
got into Sazuco, where I found my other boate.^'' 

There I staved fine nii^hts, the winde bein2:e con- 


49. This river, the Saco, rises 
in the White Mountains, which 
are distinctly seen by mariners as 
they approach the coast. In the 
locality where Levett camped, one 

can still find the long grass in sutVi- ■ 

cient quantity to furnish all the kings j 

of Christendom with a bed as luxu- | 

rious as the explorers enjoyed. j 


trary, and the weather very unseasonable, haiiing much 
raine and snow, and continuall foggse. 

We built us our Wigwam, or house, in one houres 
space, it had no frame, but was without forme or fashion, 
onely a few poles set up together, and couered with our 
boates sailes which kept forth but a little winde, and lesse 
raigne and snow. 

Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which 
was spirituall, was this we had foule enough for killing, 
wood enough for felling, and good fresh water enough 
for drinking. 

But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding 
our wet cloaths. Wee had plenty of Craine, Goose, 
Duckes and Mallard, with other fowle, both boyled and 
rostedj but our spits and racks were many times in danger 
of burning before the meate was ready (being but wooden 

After I had stayed there three daies, and no likelyhood 
of a good winde to carrie vs further, I tooke with me six 
of my men, and our Amies, and walked along the shore, 
to discouer as much by land as I could: after I had 
travelled about two Enorlish miles I met with a riuer 
which stayed me that I could goe no further by land 
that day, but returned to our place of habitation where 
we rested that night (hauing our lodging amended) for 



the day being dry I caused all my company to accom- 
pany mee to a marsh ground, where wee gathered euery 
man his burthen of long dry grasse, which being spread 
in our Wigwam or House, I praise God I rested as con- 
tentedly as euer I did in all my life. And then came 
into my minde an old merry saying, which I haue heard 
of a begger boy, who said if euer he should attaine to be 
a King, he would haue a breast of mutton with a pud- 
ding in it, and lodge euery night vp to the eares in drye 
straw ; and thus I made my self e and my company as 
merry as I could, with this and some other conceits, 
making this vse of all, that it was much better then wee 
deserued at Gods hands, if he should deale with vs 
according to. our sinnes. 

The next morning I caused 4 of my men to rowe my 
lesser boate to this riuer, who with much adoe got in 
myselfe, and 3 more going by land : but by reason of the 
extremitle of the wether we were enforced to stay there 
that night, and were constrained to sleepe vpon the 
riuer banke, being the best place wee could hnde, the 
snowe being very dcepe. 

The next morning wee were enforced to rise bctime, 
for the tyde came vp so high that it washed away our 
Hre, and would haue serued vs so too if we had not kept 
watch : So wee went over the riuer in our boate, where 

I caused 


I caused some to stay with her, myselfe being desirous 
to discouer further by land, I tooke with me foure men 
and walked along the shore about sixe English miles 
further to the East, where I found another riuer, which 
staied mee. So we returned backe to Sawco, where the 
rest of my company and my other boate lay. That 
night I was exceeding sicke, by reason of the wet and 
cold and much toyling of my body : but thankes be to 
God I was indifferent w^ell the next morning, and the 
winde being faire we put to sea, and that day came to 

But before I speak of this place I must say some- 
thin 2: of Sazvco, and the too riuers which I discouered in 
that bay, which I thinke neuer Englishman saw before. 

Sazvco is about one leac^ue to the North-east of a 
cape land. And about one English mile from the maine 
lieth sixe Hands, which make an indifferent good har- 
bour. And in the maine there is a Coue or gutt, which 
is about a cables length in bredth, and too cables length 
long, there two good Ships may ride, being well mored 
a head and starne ; and within the Coue there is a great 
Marsh, where at a high water a hundredth sayle of Ships 
may floatc, and be free from all winds, but at low water 
must ly a ground, but being soft oase they can take no 



In this place there is a world of fowle, much good 
timber, and a great qiiantetie of cleare ground and good, 
if it be not a little too sandy. There hath beene more 
fish taken within too leagues of this place this yeare 
then in any other in the land. 

The riuer next to Saiuco eastwards, which I dis- 
covered by land, and after brought my boat into, is the 
strangest river that ever my eyes beheld. It flowes at 
the least ten foot water upright, and yet the ebbe runs 
so strong that the tyde doth not stem it. At three 
quarters fioud my men were scarce able with foure Oares 
to rowe ahead. And more then that, at full Sea I dipped 
my hand in the water, quite without the mouth of 
the River, in the very main Ocean, and it was as fresh 
a:s though it had been taken from the head of a Spring. 
This River, as I am told by the Salvages, commeth 
from a great mountaine called the Christall hill, being as 
they say loo miles in the Country, yet is it to be scene at 
the sea side, and there is no ship ariues in New England, 
either to the West so farre as Cape Cod, or to the East 
so farre as Monhiggoi, but they see this Mountaine the 
first land, if the weather be cleere. 

The next river Eastward which I discovered by land, 
is about sixe miles from the other. About these two 
riuers I saw much good timber and sandy ground, there 




is also much fowle, fish and other commodities : but 
these places are not fit for plantation for the present, 
because there is no good comming in, either for ship, or 
boate, by reason of a sandy breach which lyeth alongst the 
shore, and makes all one breach. ^^ 

And now in its place I come to Quac/c,^' which I haue 
named Vorkc. At this place there fished divers ships 
of /^F<^j7;/(^;//// this y care. 

It lyeth about two leagues to the East of Cape EUza- 
bcih. It is a Bay or Sound betwixt the Maine and 
certaine Hands which lyeth i.n the sea about one English 
mile and halfe. 

There are foure Hands which makes one good harbour, 
there is very good fishing, much fowle and the mayne as 
good ground as any can desire, lliere I foud one 
River wherein the Savao-es sav there is much Saliuou 
and other o-ood fish. In this Hav, there hath ben taken 
this yeare 4. St iir odious, by fishermen who driue only for 
lIcn'i}ios, so that it is likely there may be good store 
taken if there were men fit for tl^at purpose. This River 

I made 

•^O. Tliis answers the description 
f»f the Spurwink, where CUeve and 
'ruckcr subsfinK-ntly .settled. 

51. l''.xactly what territory is coni- 

luised under this title, it is impossible 

to delino • but there can be no doubt 

as to the uiain features of the territory 


described. The islands arc certairdy 
Cushin«^s, Peaks', Diamond and 
House; and the harbor, I'ortland. 
J.evett's patent of six thousand acres 
must, besides these islands, have em- 
braced a large area of territory on tlic 
uuiin land. 


I made bold to call by my owne name Lcvetts river,^' 
belns: the first that discovered it. How farre this river is 
Navigable I cannot tell, I haue ben but 6. miles up it, but 
on both sides is goodly ground. 

■ In the same Bay I found another River, up which I 
went about three miles, and found a great fall, of water 
much biiTirer than the fall at Loiidcui brido'c, at low water ; 
further a boate cannot o-oe, but above the fall the River 
runnes smooth againe.^^ 

lust at this fall of water 'the Sao-aniorc or Kino: of 
tliat place hath a house, where I was one day when there 
were two Sagamors more, their wiues and children, in all 
about 50. and we were but 7. They bid me welcome and 
gaue me such victualls as they had, and I gaue them 
Tobacco and Aqua vitre. 

After I had s])ent a little time with them I departed 
& gaue them a small shot, and they gaue me another. 
And the great Saoajuorc of the East country, whom the 
rest doc acknowledire to be chiefe amongst them, hee 
gaue unto me a Ik^vers skin, which I thankfully received, 
and so in great loue we parted. On both sides this river 
tliere is iioodlv Lcround. 


52. This rivtr is known as Fore 
River, bin llic sahuon, wliicli l;1;\iuh'(1 
tbrouyh its watirs are luii nininis- 
cences of an idyllic past, li would 
bo well lo restore to it the name of 

Levett, its present one being almost, 

5;J. 'J'liis is certainly the Prtsunip- 
scot, wliose rocky fall still presents 
an impassable barrier to navii^^'Uioii. 


From this liarbour to Sagadaliock, which Is about 8. or 
9. leagues, Is all broken Hands In the Sea, which makes 
many excellent good Harbours, where a thousand saile 
of Shipps may ride In safety; the sound going up within 
the Hands to the Cape of Sagadahocl:. . 

\\\ the way betwixt Yorke and Saqada/ioch l}X'th 
Cascoc\^^ a o-Qod harbour, Q-ood fishlncr, G^ood cfround, and 
much fowle. And I am perswaded that from Cape Eliz- 
abeth to Sao;ada/iocl\ which Is aboue ^o leaorues to follow 
the Maine, Is all exceeding commodious for Plantations : 
and that there may be 20 good Townes well seated, to 
take the benefit both of the sea, and fresh Rivers. 

For Sagadahock I need say nothing of it, there hath 
been heeretofore enough said by otliers, and I feare me 
too much. But the place Is good, there fished tlils yeare 
two ships. 

The next place I came to was Capcviainvagan,'''' a 
place where nine ships fished this yeare. Ikit I like it 
not for a plantation, for I could see little good timber & 
lesse good ground, there I staid foure nights, in which 
time, there came many Savages with their wlues and 


W\. Tlio region here alltult'il to is 
still denoiuinatcd Casco liay. Lev- 
ett probably a[^i)lit'8 t!ie name Casc(> 
to that portion of tlie bay enibract-il 
by the shoros of Cuinbei-laiid and 
North Yarmouth. 


This place is frequently nien- 
tioneil by early writers, but the name 
has disa[)peared from the region to 
which it was applied. The town of 
Boothbay embraces a portion of the 
region, antl probably South])ort. 


children, and some of good accompt amongst them, as 
Mciiaiuornui a Sao-amore, Cooawesco the Sao^amore of 
Casco and Quack, now called Yorkc, Soiucrscf, a Saga- 
more, one that hath ben found very falthfuU to the Eng- 
lish, and hath saved the Hues of many of our Nation, 
some from starvino', others from killinir. 

They entended to haue ben gone presently, but hear- 
ing of my being there, they desired to see me, which I 
understood by one of the Masters of the Ships, who 
likewise told me that they had some store of Beauer 
coats and skinnes, and was going to Pciunqiiid to truck 
with one Mr. JVi//icn'(I<^i\ a Master of a ship o\ Basfable, 
and desired me to use meanes that they should not 
carry the out of the harbour, I wisht them to briuLi 
all their truck to one Mr. Cokes staire, <^ I would do the 
best I could to put it away: some of them did accord- 
ingly, and I then sent for the Sagamores, who came, and 
after some com[)]ements they told me I must be their 
cozen, and that Caplaine Goj-g's was so, (which you n^ay 
imagine I was not a little proud of, to be adopted cozen 
to so many great Kings at one instantj, but did willingly 
accept of it) and so passing away a little time very pleas- 
antly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them 
that I understood they had some coates and Beauers 
skins which I desired to truck for but they were un- 



willing, and I seemed carelesse of it (as men must doe 
if they desire any thing of them.) But at last Somerset 
swore that there should be none carryed out of the har- 
bour, but his cozen Levctt should hauc all, and then they 
began to offer me some by way of gift, but I would take 
none but one paire of sleeues from Coo-a^^n'seo, but told 
them it was not the fashion of English Captaines alwaics 
to be taking, but sometimes to take and giue, and contin- 
ually to truck was very good. But in fme, we had all 
except one coate and two skinnes, which they reserved 
to pay an old debt with, but they staying all that night, 
had them stole from them. 

In the mornincr the Sao^aniores came to mee with a 
grieuous complaint, I vsed the best language I could to 
giue them content, and went with them to some Stages 
which they most suspected, and searched both Cabins 
and Chests, but found none. They seeing my willing- 
nesse to fmde the theefe out, gaue mee thankes, and 
wished me to forbeare savin cr the Rouues had car- 
ried them into the woods where I could not find them. 

When they were ready to depart they asked mee 
where I meant to settle my plantation. I told then^ I 
had scene many })laces to the west, and intended to goe 
farther to the east before I could resolue, they sa)'ed there 
was no good place, and I had heard, that Peinoqitid and 


CapmaniK.'agan, and AlonJiiggon were granted to otiiers, 
& the best time for fishing was then at hand, which 
made nie the more wilHng to retire, and the rather be- 
cause Cogawcsco, the Sagamore of Casco and Qiiacke, told 
me if that I would sit downe at either of those two 
places, I should be very welcome, and that he and his 
wife would goe along with me in my boate to see them, 
which curtesey I had no reason to refuse, because, I 
had set vp my resolution before to settle my plantation 
at Qitackc, which I named Yorkc, and was glad of this 
oppertunity, that I had obtained the consent of them 
who as I conceiue hath a naturall right of inheritance, as 
they are the sonnes of Noah, and therefore doe thinke it 
fit to carry things very fairely without compulsion, (if it 
be posible) for avoyding of treacherie. 

The next day the winde came faire, and I sayled to 
Quackc ox Yorki\\\'\\\\ the King, Queene, and Prince, 
bo we and arrowes, dogge and kettell in my boate, his 
noble attendance rowing by vs in their Cannow. 

When we came to Yorkc the Masters of the Shippes 
came to bid me welcome, and asked what Sauages those 
were, I told them, and I thanked them, they vsed them 
kindly, c^ gaue them meate, drinke and tobacco. The 
woman or re})uted Oueene, asked me if those men were 
my friends, I told her they were ; then she dranke to them, 


Th.- free shcL^ ^ 

S* Piters 

BcUfiy church 
S. ^Hjrycj ^ibb^v 
S ^ ^artuu'S 
Jt Hcl-ns 
TrvaU Church 
S ? ^ndrrH'Ci 

Crti:.^ Church 

S '. ^L-hjeli 
J^ Jitrru 

S ( Jiirjortts 

Tnmty ^Ky 
S^ Ishns 
J/ LtVi't 
S t. C^4rtwcj 
St.kictry'T>tlh.y Z 
St. J,Urj'Bi^^y. 
'3c>idam 'Bixi 


icWirr Gate 
Gisiram Gate 
Ji:nkc Ocitt 
S.L intrn yaJv/fitil 
Ccnnyc ftrca" 
Same (rMT 


fc -BrM: 

JlwrfljY^-i nurk 
Cjjj\'r Gjtc 
The 'fjucnvnt- 
CJj/frrJs Tcurc 
The CajVu 
TvtihL- ihcf 



and told them, they were welcome to her Countrey, and 
so should all my friends be at any time, she dranke also 
to her husband, and bid him welcome to her Coun- 
trey too, for you must vndcrstand that her father was the 
Sagamore of this place, and left it to her at his death 
hauinc: no more Children. 

' And thus after many dangers, much labour and 
great charge, I haue obtained a place of habitation in 
Neiu- En gland, where I haue built a house, and fortified 
it in a reasonable good fashion, strong enough against 
such enemies as are those Sauage pcople.^^ 

Chap. II. 

56. Where was this fortified house 
in which Levett left a little company 
of rnen to hold it until his return ; 
not men whose sole duty it was to 
defend it against the savases, but to 
carry on a fishing for him ? The 
question is not one of nuich import- 
ance, but has been often speculated 
upon ; indeed, it will probably never 
pass beyond the stage of speculation. 
That it was upon an island seems 
quite well settled, especially by Mav- 
erick, who says that " About the 
yeare 1G3"2 (a clerical error for 1023) 
there was a Patent granted to one 
Capt. Christopher Levett for 0,000 
acres of land which he tooko up in 
this Bay neare Cape Elizabeth, and 
built a good House and fortified well 
on an Lsland lyeiiig before Casco 
River." House Island best answers 

this description. It lies near Cape 
Elizabeth and -before Casco or Fore 
River; besides, from the earliest 
time, this island has been a favorite 
resort of fishermen, and its sunny 
slopes have been burdened with their 
flakes, as they are to-day. Its nau)e 
is also suggestive. Levett's house 
was a fortified one, and we can hardly 
doubt was the one called by Winter 
when writing to Trelawny, " Vic house 
at Coxico," where he went to engage 
some fishermen in 1G30, which we 
must also infer was on "an Island 
in that baye of Cascoe," since 
Trelawny tt-Us Gorges that this 
ishinil was the only part of his patviit 
of vvhicli Levett took defaffo posses- 
sion. Two answers have been made 
to this thetiry. The first answer is 
that in a deed of 180S it is called 




Sheivcth hoiu tJic Saua<^cs, carried thcinsclucs znito inc con- 

tiniially, and of i)iy going to their Kings 

Houses : and their comniinp^ to mine. 

&'7^^/^?1JliMILEST I staled in this place I had some 
'' B ROfl little triicke, but not mucli, by reason of an 
p^.^^^^ j ^^^jii niember in the Harbour, who being cou- 
etous of trucke vsed the matter so, that lie got the Sau- 
ages away from me. 

" Ik>wes, alias Ilcuise Lslaiul," and 
tlicreforc, took its name from a 
former occupant. But how account 
for the fact that in Whitc-'s deed in 
KKi;), it is denominated "house Hand 
— with the liouse yon," and so, for 
a CLMitury ami a half afterwards is 
named in the varied spelling so com- 
mon to the time, liouse, iiowse, hows 
and in the deed of !>1S, Howes. As 
a matter (>f fact there is no record in 
existence showiiiLi; that it was ever 
occupied by a man by the name of 
Howe; but if it had been, it woukl 
only show a c<^ineidence precisely 
like one in the case of Mackworth or 
Mackey's Island. >\'hen the wri'er 
tirst visited this island iii ISSI, an 
old lady liviu'j; there said slie knew 
Mr. Mackey for whom it was named. 
When informed that she ujust be old 
as the man froDi whom it derived its 


name had been dead more than two 
centuries, she replied contidently, 
that he was alive twenty years be- 
fore, and investigation showed the cu- 
rious coincidence, that James Mack- 
ey, a Scotchman, lived on the island 
about thii'ty years before, and was 
sup[)Osed to have ^iven his name to 
the islantl, although it had borne that 
name more than a century before 
his birth. The second answer was 
by a nulilary man, who reasoned tiiat 
I^evett would not have attempted to 
fortify this island, as a man posses- 
sini; any military knowledge would 
not have erected a fortitlcati(»n on 
such an island; forgetting that noth- 
ing was needed but a house fortified, 
as Levett says," in a reasonable good 
fashion, strong enough against such 
enenues tis are these savage }ieo])le," 
and strangely overlooking the stili 



And it is no wonder that he should abuse me in this 
sort, for he hath not spared your Lordshipps and all the 
Counscll for N^ciu-Eurjland. 

He said vnto the Gouernour that the Lords had sent 
men ouer into that Countrey with Commissions, to 
make a prey of others. And yet for my owne part I 
neuer demanded or tooke from any man in that Coun- 
tery, the value of a denier, neither had I so much helpe 
from any Shippe or Shippes companie as one mans 
labour the space of an houre, nor, had I any prouision 
or victuall vpon any tearmes whatsoeuer, saue onely 
1000. of bread, and 22. bushel Is of pease, which was 
offered vnto mee and not by me requested, for which I 
gaue present satisfaction in Bciier skines : and also 
one Rownlet of Aqua vitce, which was brought to me 16 
Leagues vnexpected, which good manners bid me buy. 
I\Iuch more provision was offered to me by many Mas- 
ters of Ships, but I had no need thereof, so I gaue them 
thanks for their kindncsse, and refused all. 

Nay, it is well knowne, that I was so farre from doing 
wrong to any: that 1 suffered the Land which was 
granted to me by Pattent and made choyce of before 


more important fact, that it had ! York Deeds, Book I, p, 1 14 ; Goold's 
already been fortified by the United I I'ortland in tlie Past, p. 27, and an 
States Government. Yhle ^[aver- j article read before the Maine Ilis- 

ick's Description of New England, p. 

B; Trelawny Tapers, pp. 102, 251; 


torical Society by Lieutenant Leary. 


any other man came there, to be used, and my timber to 
be cut downe & spoyled, without taking or asking any 
satisfaction for the same. And I doubt not but all 
others to whom you gaue authoritie, will sufficiently 
cleare themselues of all such imputations. 

He said also he cared not for any authoritie in that 
place and though he w\as forbid to trucke yet would he 
haue all he could get: in despite of who should say to 
the contrary, having a great Ship with 17. peeces of 
Ordinance and 50. men. 

And indeed his practise was according to his words, 
for every Sunday or once in the weeke, he went him- 
selfe or sent a boate up the river and got all the trucke be- 
fore they could come downe to the Harbour. And so 
many Savages as he could get to his stage, hee would 
enforce the to leaue their <joods behind them. One 
instance a mongst many I will giue you. 

On a certain e day there came two Savages to his 
place, who were under the command of Souicrsc/ or Coji- 
z>.'aj', I know not whether, at which time they were both 
with me at my house, but the other two who went to 
him, knew not so much, but afterwards they understand- 
ing of it, came presently over, but left their Cotts and 
Bcaucr skins behind them, whereat SoiJicrscl ^iWiS. CoiiKuiy 
were exceed in!2: an^-rie and were readv to beate the 

- . poorc 


poore fellows, but I would not suffer them so to doe. 
They presently went over the Harbor themselues in 
their Cannoiu to fetch their goods, but this man would let 
them haue none, but wished them to truck with him, 
they told him they would not, but would carry them to 
Captaine Lcvctt, he said Lcvcit was no captaine, but a 
lackuapc, a poore fellow, &c. They told him againe 
that he was a Roagitc, with some other speeches, where- 
upon he and Iiis company fell upon them & beate them 
both, in so much tliat they came to me in a great rage 
against him, and said thev would be reveno'ed on his 
Fishermen at sea, and much adoe I had to diswade one 
of them for eroino- into Euorlaiid to tell Kincr fames of it, 
as he said ; when they came to me in this rage, there 
was two or three Masters of Shippes by, and heard every 

But all this did me no hurt, (saue the losse of the 
trucke, which bv divers was thoucrht to be worth above 
50. li.) for the two Sagamores whom he inticed from me, 
and incensed aijainst me, at leno-tji used meanes to be 
freinds with me, sendinir one who asked me, if I were 
angrie with them, I told them no, I was not angrie with 
them for any such matter as lowsie Cotts and skinnes, 
but if they were M(7/e/nif, that is, naughtie men, and 
rebellious, then I would be Alouehick Hoggery, that is 
very angry, and would Cram, that is, kill them all. 



' When they came them sekies to me to secke peace, 
they brought me a Bcancr Coate, and two Oiler skines, 
which they woukl have let me had for nothing, but I 
woukl not take them so, but gaue them more then 
vsually I did by way of Trucke, I then told them like- 
wise that if at any time they did Trucke with mee, 
they should liaue many good things in leiu of their 
Beauer : and if they did not Trucke it was no matter, I 
would be good friends with them, at which they smiled 
and talked one to the other, saying the other man was 
a lacknape, and that I had the right fashion of the 
Abcricncy'''^ Sagamores, then they began to applaude or 
rather flatter me, saying I was so bigge a Sagamore, yea 
foure fathom, which were the best words thev could vse 
to expresse their minds : I replied that I was a poore 
man as he had reported of mee. They said againe it 
was no matter what 1 said, or that lacknape (which is 
the most disgracefull word that may be in their conceite,) 
for all the Sagamores in the Country loued poore Levell 
and was Muehicke sorrie that he would be gon, and in- 
deed I cannot tell what I should thinke of them, for 
euer after they would bring mee any thing they thought 
would giue mee content, as Egges and the whole bodyes 
o{ Beauer, which in my concite eate like Lambe, and is not 


67. Wood, in his New En^^land's 
Prospect, applies the title Abergin- 

iaiis to those savages, the people 
whom we denominate the i\bnakis. 


inferiour to it : yea the very coats of Beauer & Otlcr- 
skiimes from off their backes, whicli though I many time 
refused, yet not allwaies, but I neuer tooke any such 
courtesle from them, but I requited them answerably, 
chusing rather to neglect the present profit, then the 
hopes I haue to bring them to better things, wliich I 
hope will be for a pubHcke good, and wlilch I am per- 
swaded were agreeuous sinne, to neglect for any sinister 

And a little before my departure there came these 
Sagamores to see mee, Sadajnoyt, the great Saganiorc of 
the East Countrey, MauaicoDJict, Oppaj-iiuunt, Skcdra- 
guscctt, Cogaiucsco, So)}icrsctt, Conway and others. 

They asked me why I would be gone out of their 
Countrey, I was glad to tell them my wife would not 
come thither except I did fetch her, they bid a pox on 
her hounds, (a phrase they have learned and doe vse 
when they doe curse) and wished me to beate her. I told 
them no, for then our God would bee angrie. Then they 
runne out vpon her in euil tearmes, and wished me to 
let her alone and take another, 1 told them our God 
would be more angrie for that. Againe they bid 
me beate her, beate her, repeating it often, and very 
angerly, but I answered no, that was not the Engllsli 
fashion, and besides, she was a good wife and I had 



children by her, and I loued lier well, so I satisfied them. 
Then they told me that I and my wife and Children, with 
all my friends, should bee hartily welcome into that 
Countrey at any time, yea a hundredth thousand times, 
yea Mouchickc, Moiu/iickc, which is a w^ord of waight. 

And So)}icrst'tt tould that his Sonne (who was borne, 
whilst I was in the Countrey, and whom hee would needs 
liaue to Name) and mine should be Brothers and that 
there should be )]i2icJiickc Icganiatch, (that is friendship) 
betwixt them, untill Tanlo carried them to his wigwam, 
(that is vntill that they died. 

Then they must know of mee how long I would be 
w^anting, I told them so many Months, at which they 
seemed to be well pleased, but wisht me to take heede I 
proucd not ChccJiaske, in that (that is, a lier.) They 
asked me what 1 would doe with my house, I told them 
I would leaue lo. of my men there vntill I came againe, 
and that they sliould kill all tlic 7\-irraulc]2s they should 
see (being enimies to them) and with wliom the English 
haue no commarsse. At whicli they reioyced exceed- 
ingly, and then agreed amongst themselues that when 
the time should be expired, whicli I s})oke of for my 
returne, cuery one at the place where he lined would 
looke to the Sea, and when they did see a Shij) they 
wold send to all the Saganioirs in the Countrey, and tell 



them that poore Lcvctt was come againe. And thus 
insteed of doing me hurt, I thinke that eltlier lie or I 
haue done good to all Planters, by winning their affec- 
ons, (which may bee made vse of without trusting of 
them.) - 

But if your Lordship should put up this wrong done 
unto you, and the Authority which you gaue them, 
never expect to be obeyed in those parts, either by Plan- 
ters or Pishermen ; for some haue not stucke to say, that 
if such a man, contemning; authority, and abusincr one of 
the counsell, and drawing his knife upon him at his own 
house, which he did, should goe unpunished, then would 
not they care what they did heereafter. 

And trucly let me tell your Lordships, that if euer 
you intend to punish any for disobedience, or contempt 
of authority, this man is a fit instrument to make a pres- 
ident of, for he is rich, and this ycare will gaine the 
best part of 500 pounds by that Countrie, and he hath 
nether wife nor childe, for whose sakes he should be 

And if he goe free, as hee has domineered o\'er vs, to 
wliom your I^ordships gaue authority, but no power to 
put it in execution, so will he ^-row unmannerly too yvith 
your Lordships, as hee hath already begunne. 

And it yyill discourage men hereafter to take any 



authority upon them, or to goc about to rcforme any 
abuses in those parts, and also it will hinder Planters 
for going over, if F'ishermen be suffered not onely to 
take away their truck, but also to animate the Sauages 
against them, for this is the way to cause all Planters to 
haue their throats cut. 

But I leaue these things to your Lo. consideration, 
who haue as well power as authority to punish such 
rebellious persons. 

Thus hauing acquainted you with what I haue done, 
seen and heard ; now giue me leaue to tell you what I 
thinke of the Savages, the inhabitants of that country: 
as also to iustiiie the innocent, I meane the Countrie of 
AVtc England, against the slanderous reports of this man, 
and some others which I haue heard, and likewise to 
deliver my opinion, what courses I conceiue to be most 
convenient to be taken, for brimrinof most o-lorie to God, 
comfort, honor and bcnifit to our King, and our owne 
Natiue Nation. - 

Chap. III. 



Shciucth the Jiaturc and disposition of the Savages, and of 
their severali Gods, Squanto and Tanto. 

%W^'?'^ HAUEhad much conference with the Sav- 
i^-i Kfl Gg'^^' about our only true God, and hauc done 



^--^ my best to bring them to know and ac- 
knowledge him, but I feare me all the labour that way, 
will be lost, and no good will be done, except it be 
among the younger sort. 

1 find they haue two Gods, on they love : and the 
other the hate, the god they loue : they call Sqnanto, 
and to him they ascribe all their good fortunes. 

The god they hate they call Tanto, and to him they 
ascribe all their euill fortunes, as thus, when any is 
killed, hurt or sicke, or when it is evill wether, then 
they say Tanto is hoggry, that is angry. When any 
dyes, they say Tanto carries them to his zuigica)}!, that 
is his house, and they never see tliem more. 

I haue asked them where Squanto dwells, they say 
they cannot tell but up on high, and will poynt upwards. 
And for Tanto, they say farre west, but they know not 

I haue asked them if at any time they haue scene 

Squall to, 



Squall to, or Tanlo, tliey say no, there is none sees them, 
but their Paiuwawcs, nor tliey neitlier, but when they 

Their Pazviuawcs are their Phisitians and Surgions, 
and as I verely beleeue they are all Witches, for they 
foretell of ill wether, and many strange things, every 
Sagamore hath one of them belongs to his company, 
and they are altogether directed by them. 

On a time I was at a Saoavwrcs house and saw a 
Martins skin, and asked if he would trucke it, tlie Saoa- 
amore told me no, the Paiuwawc used to lay that under 
his head when he dreamed, and if he wanted that, he 
could doe nothing, thus we may perceiue how the devill 
deludes those poore people and keep them in blind- 

I find them generally to be marvellous quicke of 
apprehension, and full of subteltie, they will quickely 
find any man's disposition, and flatter <!^ humour him 
strangely, if they hope to get anything of him. And yet 
will they count him a foole if he doe not shew a dislike 
of it, and will say on to another, that such a man is a 

They are slow of speech, and if tliey heare a man 
speake much they will laugh at him, and say he is a Mcchc- 
CUJ71, that is a foole. 



If men of place be too familiar with them, they will 
not respect them : therefore it is to be wished that all 
such persons should be wise in their Carriage. 

The Sagamores will scarce speake to an ordinary 
man, but will point to their men, and say Sanops, must 
speake to Sanops, and Saganiors to Saganwrs. 

They are very bloudy minded and full of Tracherie 
amongst themselues, one will kill another for their 
wines, and he that hath the most wiues is the brauest 
fellow : therefore I would wish no man to trust them, 
what euer they say or doe ; but alwaies to keepe a strickt 
hand ouer them, and yet to vse them kindly, and deale 
vprightly with them ; so shall they please God, keepe 
their reputation amongst them, and be free from danger. 

Their Samniors are no Kind's, as I verilie beleeue, 
for I can see no Government or Law amongst them but 
Club Law : and they call all Masters of Shippes Saga- 
viorc, or any other man, that they see have a commaund 
of men. 

Their wiues are their slaves, and doe all their worke 
the men doe nothing but kill Beasts, Fish, &c. 

On a time reasonincf with one of S\\qax , Sacraniors 
about their haul ng so many wiues, I tould him it was no 
good fashion, he then asked mee how many wiues King 
James had, I told him he neuer had but one, and shee 



was dead, at wliicli he wondred, and asked mee who 
then did all the Kings worke. You may Imagin he 
thought their fashion was vniuersal and that no King 
had any to worke for them but their wiufs. 

They haue no apparrell but skinnes, except they haue 
it from the Euglisli^ or French^ in winter the weare 
the haire side inwards, in summer outwards. They 
haue a peece of a skinne about their loines like a girdle 
and between their legges goes another, made fast to the 
girdle before and behind, which serues to couer their 
nakednesse, they are all thus apparrelled, going bare 
headed with long haire, sometimes you shall not know 
the men from women but by their breasts, the men 
having no haire on their faces. 

When their Children are borne they bind them on a 
peece of board, and sets it vpright, either against a tree 
or any other place. They keep them thus bound vntill 
they be three months old, and after they are contin- 
uall naked vntill they be about hue or sixe yeares. 

Yee shall haue them many times take their Children 
& bury them in the snow all but their faces for a time, 
to make them the better to endure cold, and when they 
are not aboue 2. yeares old, they will take them and cast 
them into tlie Sea, like a little dogge or Cat, to learne 
them to swimme. 



Their weapons are bowes and arrowes, I never saw 
more than two fowHng peeces, one pistall, about foure 
Halfe-pikes, and three Curt-laces amongst them, so 
that we neede not to feare tliem much, if wee auoid 
their Treacherie. 

Their houses are built in halfe an houres space 
being onely a few powles or boughcs stucke in the 
ground and couered with the barkes of trees. 

Their Lano^uao-e differs as Eiio-lish & Welch. On a 
time the Gouernour was at my house, and brought with 
him a Salvage, who lined not aboue ']0. miles from the 
place which I haue made choise of, who talking with 
another Sauage, they were glad to vse broken English 
to expresse their mind each to other, not being able to 
vnderstand one another in their Lam^-'nac^e. 

And to say something of the Countrey: I will not 
doe therein as some haue done, to my knowledge speak 
more then is true : I will not tell you that you may 
smell the corne fields before you see the Land, neither 
must men thinke that corne doth growe naturally (or on 
trees,) nor will the Deare come when they are called, or 
stand still and looke one a man, untill he shute him, not 
knowing a man from a beast, nor the hsh leape into 
the kettle, nor on the drie Land, neither are they so 
plentiful!, that you may dipp them up in baskets, nor 



take Codd m netts to make a voyage, which is no truer: 
then that the fowles will present themselues, to you with 
spitts through them. 

But certainely there is fowle, Dcarc, and Fish enough 
for the taking if men be dilligent, there be also Vines, 
Plume trees, Cherey trees, Strawberies, Gooseberies, and 
Raspes, Walnutts, chesnut, and small nuts, of each 
great plenty; there is also great store of parsley, and 
divers other holesome Earbes, both for profit and pleas- 
ure, with great store of Saxifrage, Cersa-perilla, and 

And for the ground their is large <^' goodly Marsh 
to make meddow, higher land for pasture and corne. 

There be these severall sorts of eartli, which I haue 
scene, as. Clay, Sand, Graiiill, yea and as blacke fatt 
earth, as ever I sawe in England in all my life. 

There are likewise these helpes for ground, as Sea- 
sand, Orc-d'or/Ii or IVi'ac/ce, Marie blew and white, and 
some men say there is Lime, but I must confesse I 
neuer saw any Lhnc-slonc: but I haue tried the Shels of 
Fish, and I find them to be good Lime. 

Now let any husbandman tell mee, whither there be 
any feare of hauing any kind of Corne, hauing these 
seuerall kinds of Earth with these helpes, the Climat 
beinir full as oood if not better than Enoland. 

I dare i 



I dare be bold to say also, there may be Shippes as 
conueniently built there as in any place of the world, 
where, I hauc beene, and better cheape. As for Plancke, 
crooked Timber, and all other sorts what so euer can 
be desired for such purpose, the world cannot afford 
better. Masts and Yeards of all sises, there be allso 
Teees o-rowino- whereof Pitch and Tarre is made. 

And for Sailes and all sorts of Cordish you neede not 
to want, if you will but sowe llempe and Flaxseede, and 
after worke it. Now there wants nothing but Iron, and 
truely I thinke I haue scene Iron-stone there, but I must 
acknowledge I haue no great iudgement in IMineralls, 
yet I haue scene the Iron-workes in England, and this 
Stone is like ours. But howsocuer if the Countrie 
will not afford Iron, yet it may be easilie brought, for it 
is good Ballast for Shippes. 

There is also much excellent Timber for loyners and 
Coopers : howsocuer a worthy Noble man hath beene 
abused, who sent ouer some to make Pippe-staues, who 
either for want of skill or Industrie, did no Q-ood. Yet I 
dare say no place in Euglajid qixw afford better Timber 
for Pippe-staues, then foure seuerall places which I haue 
scene in that Countrev. 

Thus haue I relaitcd vnto you what I haue scene, 
and doe know may be had in those parts of Nciu-Eng- 



land where I haue beene, yet was I neuer at the Mesa- 
chusett, which is counted the Paradice of Nciv-Ejigland, 
nor at Cape Ann. But I feare there hath been too faire 
a glosse set on Cape Aim. I am told there is a good 
Harbour which makes a faire Inuitation, but when they 
are in their entertainement is not answerable, for there 
is little good ground, and the Shippcs which fished there 
this yeare, their boats went twent)^ miles to take their 
Fish, and yet they were in great feare of making their 
Voyages, as one of the Masters confessed vnto me who 
was at my house.^^ 

Neither was I at N'eiu-Plinwth, but I feare that 
place is not so good as many other, for if it were in my 
conceite they would content themselues with it and not 
sceke for any other hauing ten times so much ground 
as would serue ten times so many people as they haue 
now amongst them. But it seemes they haue no Fish to 
make benifit of, for this yeare they had one Shi])pe P^isht 
at Penwqnid, and an other at Cape Ann, where they haue 
begun a new Plantation, but how long it will continew 
I know not. 

Neither was I ever farther to the West than the lies 

of S/iotdds. 


58. There were from forty to fifty 
ships fislnrig ou tho New En«'laiid 

coast while Lcvett was in the coun- 
try if we may credit Smith. 


Thus have I done with my commendations of the 
Countrie. I will now speake the worst I know by it. 

About the middle of May you shall haue little Flies, 
called Muskcfots, which are like Gnatts, they continue 
as I am told, vntill the last of July, lliese are very 
troublesome for the time, for tliey sting exceedingly 
both night and day. But I found by experience that 
bootes or thicke stockinets would saue the leirires, 
gloues the hands, and tiffeney or some such things 
which will not much hinder the sight will saue the face, 
and at night any smoake will secure a man. 

The reason of the aboundance of these creatures, I 
take to be the woods which hinders the aire, for I haue 
obserued allwaies when the winde did blow but a little, 
we were not much troubled with them. 

And I verily thinke that if there were a good 
number of people planted together, and that the woods 
were cut downe, the earth were tilled, and the rubbish 
which lieth on the ground wherein they breed were 
burnt, and that there were many chimneyes smoaking, 
such small creatures would doe but little hurt. 

Another euill or inconucnience I see there, the snow 
in winter did lie very long vi)on the ground. 

But I understand that all the parts of Christendome, 
were troubled with a cold winter so well as wee. Yet 




would I aske any man what hurt snow cloeth ? The 
husbandman will say that Cornc is the better for it. 
And I hope Cattell may bee as well fed in the house 
there as in England, Scotland, and other Countries, and 
he is but an ill husband that cannot find Imployments 
for his seruants within doores for that time. As for 
Wiues and Children if they bee wise they will keepe 
themselues close by a good fire, and for men they will 
haue no occasion to ride to Faires or Markets, Sysscs or 
Sessions, only Hawkes and Hounds will not then be vse- 

Yet let me tell you that it is still almost Christmas 
before there be any winter there, so that the cold time 
doth not continue lon<j. 

And by all reason that Countrey should be hotter 
then England, being many Degrees farther from he 
North Pole. 

And thus according to my poore understanding I 
haue given )'ou the best information I can of the people 
and Country, commodities and discommodities. Now 
giue mee leaue to oppose mysclfe against the man before- 
mentioned, and others, who speaks against the Country, 
and plantations in those parts, and to set down such 
obiections as I liaue heard them make, and my answers, 
and afterward let wisedome iudge : for my desire is, that 



the saddle may be set on the right horse, and the Asse 
may be rid, and the knaiie punished, either for discourag- 
ins: or incouraoinn: too much, whosoeuer he be. 


Ceriainc obicclioiis ami ajiswas, luUh sujficicut proiies 

hoiu it viay be exceeding proji tabic to the Coninion- 

wealtJi and all planters and adventurers. 


^IIHEY say the Country is good for nothing but 
"Mm to starue so many people as comes in it. 
^^^i^i^ It ig granted that some haue beene starued 
to death, and others haue hardly escaped, but where was 
the fault, in the Country or in themselues. That the 
Country is as I haue said, I can bring 100 men to iustifie 
it; but if men be neither industrious nor provident, they 
may starue in the best place of the world. 

About two yeares since one Mr. IVeston sent ouer 
about 50 persons to plant, with little prouision ; when 
they came there, they neither applyed themselues to 
planting of corne nor taking of fish, more then for their 
present use, but v\'cnt about to build Castles in the Aire, 
and making of [^\)rts, neglecting the plentifull time of 
fishing. When Winter came their forts would not 



keepe out hunger, and they hauing no provision before- 
hand, and wanting both powder and shot to kill Deare 
and Fowle, many were starued to death, and the rest 
hardly escaped. There are foure of his men which 
escaped, now at my plantation, who haue related unto 
me the whole businesse.^^ 

Again, this last yeare there went ouer diuerse at one 
time, and to one place, with too little prouision, some of 
them are dead, yet I cannot heare of any that were 
meerely starued, except one whose name was Chapman, 
a Londoner, and whether he was starued or no is uncer- 
taine ; but if he were, Gods iust iudgement did appeare. 
For this man (as I am told, by an honest man, who 
came from Loudon with him) brought at the least 80 
pound worth of prouision, and no more but himselfe 
and two servants, which was sufficient for at the least iS 
moneths, if it had been well used. And yet in 5 
moneths after his arivall in New England he dyed 

Let me tell you a strange thing of this man (I haue 
it but by relation from one of his companions) he payed 
for his passage, and his mens, and provision, so that he 


6'.). This is to bo noiieiil, that 
when Lovett wrntt' this bonk in 1<'>2S, 
he then liad in liis h<)U>;e at Casco, 
at le;vst four nifu who had "beloiii^ed 
to Weston's unfortunate colony. It 

was only two years later that Winter 
went there and secured the services 
of Alger, Haker and Kouse, to lish 
for hini at Kichniond's Island. Vide 
Trelawny Tapers, p. 251. 


I ■ ' " 

needed not to haue spent any thing until his arival in 
New England, yet would he at Plivwth (where the ship 
stayed too long for him and others,) spent seven or eight 
pound a week in wine, Tobacco, and whores, and for 
the maintaining of this expence he daily fetched his 
provision from aboard, and sold it at a low rate. And 
when they were at Sea, his Tobacco being spent, he 
gaue usually sixepence for a pipe ; he gave also a sute of 
cloaths, valewd to be worth 50 shillings, for so much 
Tobacco as was not worth halfe a crowne. Nay at last, 
as his Comrade told me, he was glad to become servant 
to one of his servants. Then his Master told him, that 
if hee would work hee would allow him one bisket cake 
a day, if not he should haue but halfe a cake. He made 
choice of halfe a cake, without work ; and so a base lazie 
fellow made a lamentable end. Where was the fault 
now, in the men, or the Country .f* 

Another obiection which I haue met with is this : 
That there is nothing got or saued by sending men ouer 
to plant; neither is it beneficiall either to private men, 
either Aduenturer or Planter, or good for the Common- 

For answer hereunto, first for matter of profite, it is 
well knowne to all the Marchants of the West Country, 
who haue left ahnost all other Trade but this, and yet is 
growne rich thereby. Secondly 


Secondly, for the Common-wealth consider these 
things : 

I The great complaint that hath for a long time 
been made in England, that our land is overburthened 
with people, and that there is no imployment for our 
men ; so that it is likely they must either starue, steale, or 
proue mutinous. And whether plantations be a meanes 
to help this inconvenience or no, I desire to know } 

It hath beene likewise said unto me, that it benefits 
the Common-wealth nothing at all to send men ouer 
with provision of cloathes victuals, and continuall sup- 

To that I say, let such men as you send thither to 
plant haue provision as Chapman had for i8 monthes, 
and if after they cannot Hue of themselves, and be bene- 
ficiall either to the common wealth or to themselues, let 
them dye Chapnians death. 

Againe Plantations may be beneficiall to the Com- 
monwealth, by the enlargement of his Majesties Domin- 

Againe by the increase of Shipping, (which is the 
strength of a Nation, and that without wastinir of our 
timber which is a commoditie that I feare Jino-^and will 
find the want of! before many yeares passe over, for if 
timber goe to decay as now it doth, we shall scarce haue 



any to build, or repare, Ships or houses. Againe tell 
me whither it would be benifitiall to the Common-wealth 
to haue all our idle persons keept to worke and our 
populous Nation disburthened, and yet to haue them 
ready to serue our King and Countrey vpon all occa- 

Lastly, tell me whither it would be benefitial to the 
Common-wealth to haue all poore people maintained out 
of those Artes. And euerie parrish freed from their 
weekely paiments to the poore, which if I doe make 
to appeare, then let me be accounted an vnworthy fellow. 
But first let me set down another obiection, which 
seemes to be of great force, and yet in my conceit is like 
the rest, shallow and that is this. 

If say they there be so many plantations, there will 
be no roome in the Countrey for such Ships as doe come 
yearely to make voiages, and by this meanes Shippes 
shall lye still and decay IMarriners and Fishermen shall 
want imployment, and so all will be out of frame if euer 
we shall haue warres. And therefore howsoeuer it 
may be bcnefitiall to some few persons, yet it will be 
hurtfull to the Common-wealth. And consequently all 
such as haue any hand in such businesses are cuill mem- 
bers in the Common-wealth. 

I answere that if these things were thoroughly ex- 


amined by his IMaiestie, the Parliament or Counsell 
Table, it would plainely appeare, that the most of tliem 
which keepe such adoe against Plantations, are the great- 
est cnimies to the publique good, and that their shew of 
care for the Commo-wealth is nothing but a colour, for 
the more cleanely concealing of their vnknowne profits. 
It will also appeare that plantations are for the publique 
good and by that meanes there shall be more and better 
cheape Shippes built, and imploied, more Mariners and 
P^ishermen keept to worke then now there are, and 
more people pertakers of the benefits than now there 

Which I prove thus, first there may be Timber had 
to build Shippes, and ground for Cornc and keeping of 
Cattel, and all for little or nothino'. 

Secondly there may bee more men trained vp in 
fishing then now there is, whose trade is decaied in i://^- 
/a^/{/, and they ready to sterue for want of imploymcnts. 

Thirdly, there may bee twice so much fish taken 
euery yeare as now there is. Eor Shippes that goe to 
make Voyages, seldome or neuer keep their boats at Sea 
aboue two Months or ten weekes, for making their 
Voyage, and I dare maintaine that there is Fish enough to 
be taken, seuen IMounths in the yeare if men be there 
ready to take all opportunities. 



Fourtlily, the more Fish that is taken the more 
Shippes tliere must be for the transportation of it. 

Fiftly, whereas now none doth take the benefite but 
a few IMarchants, not all the IMarchants in the Land, 
no not one of a thowsand. 

By Plantations, not onely all the Marchants in the 
Land, but all the people in the Land may partake thereof. 

And now to shew you how the profite may arise. 


Shelve fh how by adventuring of a 100. pounels viore or 

[esse, a man may profile so mueJi every yeare, for 

20. yea res or longer, wllJioiil any more 

eharge I hen at the first. 

&3 r 31: jNIUST confesse I haue studied no other Art 
'i^A Y% ^ lono-e time but the Mysteries of N'eiu En^-. 
W^^^k /c?;/^^- Trade, and I hope at last: I haue attained 
to the understanding of the secrets of it, which I thinke 
the P^isliermen arc sorie for. But it shall be no lonoer 
concealed, for that I thinke every good subiect is bound 
to preferre the publicke, beforre his own private good. 
First therefore, I will shew you the charge which 




every INIarchant Is at yearely, In sending tlielr Shipes 
to iish there, and so ncere as I can the profit they make 
of such Voyages. Then we will see the charge which 
planters must be at, In sending men over to stay there, 
and the profit they are likely to make, and so by com- 
paring the one with the other, we shall see, which is the 
better and more profitable course. 

A Shipp of 200. Tunn, commonly doth carrie In those 
Voyages 50. men, these men are at no charge but 20. 
shillings a man tow^ards their vittels, neither haue they 
any walges, but in lelu thereof they haue one third 
part of all the fish and traync. 

Another third part there is allowed the owners of the 
Shippc for their fraught, and the other third part is 
allowed for the victuall, salte, nets, hookes lines and 
other implements for taking and making the Eish. 

The charge of victualling (which is vsually for 9. 
Mounths,) the salte <S:c. doth commonly amount to 
about 800 pounds, and for that they haue (as I said one 
third part of the Eish) which Is, neere 67. tunne, the 
Shippe being lalden, which will make 1340, KIntalls, 
(at the Market) sometimes when they come to a good 
Market they sell their Eish for 44. Rialls a Kintall, and 
so to 36 Rialls, which Is the least, but say they haue ^o, 
one time with another, and at that rate one third of 



that Shippes layding doth yecld 1340 pounds, wliich 
they haue for disbursing of Soo pounds nine Mounths. 

Now take notice tliat they are but 8 or 10 weekes in 
takins: all their Pish, and about one Mounth lon2:er in 
making it fit to be Shipped. 

Which being considered, then say that such men as 
are sent ouer to plant, haue 12 Months prouisio, 
which will amount to 1066 pounds 13 shillings 4 pence, 
these men stay in the Countrey, and doe take the 
benefit both of the hrst & last fishiu':'- season, & all other 
opportunities, the b^ishing continuing good at the least 
seauen Moneths in the yeare, though not all at one 
time: now I hope you will grant that they are as likelie 
to take two Shippes lading as the otlier one, which if 
they doe, one third thereof at the same rate will amount 
to 26S0 ])ounds, the charge you are at being deducted, 
the profit is 1019 pounds 6 shillings S pence. Now 
tell me seriously, which is tlie more profitable course.^ 

Againe consider, that in all likelihood this Fish is to 
be taken in 5. Moneths, then haue )ou 7. IMoneths more 
to imploy your men in the Countrey euery yeare, about 
building of Shipi^es, cleaning of ]3ipe-staues, or any other 
thinir, and will that be worth nothijiir? 

Truely this I will sa)-, send men ouer but with iS 
IMoneths prouision, and Cattell, and Corne to plant, and 



other necessaries, and they shall afford you thus much 
profit ycarely, without euer putting you to more charge 
if God blesse them witli health, and you from losses, 
(and I neuer heard of any great losse by aduenturing 
thither) and that you bee fitted with good and vnder- 
standino- men to ouer-see the businesse, who is able to 
direct them. 


Shczvcth /low every parisJi viay be freed of their weekly 

payuiejits to the poore, by the profits zuhieh may bee 

feteheet tlienee, IVitli eertaiue Obieelioiis against 

the things eoutaineci in this and the for- 

Dier ehapter, with answers tJiereuiito. 

ff/^n f|;ND thus haue I shewed you what hopes there 
fi?3 ^^'i ^^ ^^^ profit by j^lantations, yet haue I shewed 


you no other meanes to raise it, l^ut by fish and 
timber. I would not haue you say there is nothing else 
in the Country to make any benefite of; for I assure 
you it is well knowne to myselfe, and others who haue 
beene there, that tliere arc diverse otlier crood tilings 
there to be had ; but I doe not loue to speake of all at 
one time, but to reserue some, to stop the mouths of 



such prating coxcombs as will neuer be satisfied with 
any reason, but will alwaies cavIU though to little purpose. 

And methinks I heare some such people buzzing in 
some other oblections, and bidding me stay, and not 
fish before the net, for there are many lets, as these ; 
There are many ships goe, that makes not so good voy- 
ages as I speake of; for they are so long beaten in their 
passage, or on the coast, that the best of the fishing is 
past before they be there. 

To that I answer, I speak not what euery ship doth, 
but what some doe and all others may doe, If they be in 
the Country to take all opportunities. 

2. Obict. That it is not possible to make Planta- 
tions so publicke a businesse, as that it should redound to 
the benefit of all the Kimrs Subiccts. And aq;ainc that 
there will never be so much money rased as to establish 
such Plantations, for that most men In this age respects 
their own profit 100 times more then the publicke good ; 
and their hearts are so glewed to the world, that you 
shall as soone hang them as draw anything from them, 
thouo'h it be to never so charitable an use. And if It should 


be by way of commandment, it would be a grievance not 
to be endured. 

But I would aske such men whether they be so void 
of charity, as that tliey will not doe themsclues good, 



because some others shall haue some by it also ? And 
whether they will be grieued at a man for shewing of 
them how, by the disbursing of 20 shillings, they shall 
haue 20 shillings a year for seuen, ten or twenty years, 
and perhaps for euer ? 

My desire is not that any should be compelled. 
Onely this I could wish, that euery parish would adven- 
ture so much as they pay weekly to the reliefe of the poore 
(which is no great matter.) And so euery shire by itselfe, 
would send ouer men to plant. And if after iSmoneths 
they sliall not yearely rcturne so much profits continu- 
ally as will keep their poore, and ease their purses, (pro- 
uided alwaies, as I said before, that they send such men 
as are fit, and that the Justices of euery Shire be carefuU 
to appoint such a man to be their Ca})taine and Director 
as is honest, and of good vnderstandi ng, and that God 
blesse tliem from losses,) will I be contented to suffer 

And yet let me tell you, that if it should j^lease God, 
that once in seuen yeares a ship shoukl bee cast away 
(which is more than hatli beene usuall, for I dare say, 
tliat for euery ship that is cast away in those voyages, 
there is 100 wliich commeth safe) yet it is but that yeares 
profite lost, and perhaps not halfe. 

Another obiection ma)' be this, That all men are not 






Fishermen, and tliat it is not so easie a thing to take 
fish, as I make it. 

To that I answer, That take a survey of all the men 
that goeth in these voyages, and there shall not bee 
found one third of them that are meerly fishermen, and 
no other Trades. 

Nay, I know many ship-Companies, that have amongst 
tliem house-Carpenters, Masons, Smiths, Taylors, Shooe- 
makers, and such like, and in deed it is most fit 
they should be such : and I saw by experience, that 
divers who were never at Sea before this yeare, proued 
very good fishermen : bnt I could wish that euer a fift 
part of a Company be Fishermen, and the rest \vill 
quickly be trained up, and made skillfull. 

I would to God that some one Shire, or more, would 
begin this godly and profitable course. For certainely, 
God h.ath created all for the use of man, and nothinq; 
hath he created in vayne. 

And if wee will endure povertie in Ji//o-/{7n(/ wWhiWy, 
and suffer so good a Countrey as this is to lye wast, I 
am pers waded wee are guiltie of a grievous sinne against 
God, and shall never be able to answer it. 

I could also wish, that the Lords both spirituall and 
temporall, the Knights and others to whome God 
hath o;iven abundance of these outward thincrs, would 




(for the honour of God, the comfort of the poore of our 
Land) ioyne together, and by a vokintary contribution 
rayse a summe of money, and imploy it this way : and 
that the profites might goe to tlie maintaining of poore 
children, and trayning them up in tin's course, by which 
they may be kept from begging and stealing. 


Coufaincs ccrtaiiie dlreciions for all priiiaic persons that 
intends to goe into Nezu-Eii gland to plant. 

EXT unto this I could wish that euery priuate 
man that hath a desire this way, would consid- 
er these things which I wil heere set downe 
before he goe too farre, lest he depriue himselfe of the 
profite I haue shewed may be had, and be one of those 
that repent when it is too late, and so bring misery u]:»on 
himselfe and scandalize the Country, as others haue 

1. That It is a Countrey, where none can Hue except 
he cither labour himselfe, or be able to keepe others to 
labour for him. 

2. If a man haue a wife and many small children, 
not to come there, except for every three loyterers he 


■ , 


haue one worker; which if he haiie, he may make a 
shift to line and not staruc. 

3. If a man hauc but as many good Labourers as 
loyterers, he shall line much better there then in any 
place I know. 

4. If all be labourers, and no children, then let him 
not feare, but to doe more good there in seven yeares 
then in England in twenty. 

5. Let no man goe without 18 moneths prouision, 
so shall he take the benefit of two seasons before his 
provision be spent. 

6. Let as many plant togetlier as may be, for you 
will hnde that very comfortable, profital^le and secure. 


NoTK. II will be observed that in | was merely a typograpliical error of 

the Voyage Clia}tt. V follows Cliapl. j the old printer, wliicli it was thought 

III. This is so ill the original, and i best not to correct. 



The Will of the Rev. Robert More, Fatlier-in-Law 

of Christopher Levett. 

Da Do}}ii}ic pcrfu'crc ; Vcllc dcdisli : 
July 2 2, Anno Douiuii 1642. 

Ppl ftf^f N The Name of God Amen, I Roljert More 
S^il fet^' Master of Artes Prcaelier of Gods word & Ivcc- 
l^g^^^^^M tor of the Chureli cv' Parrisli of Gieslcy growingc 
now weake & feeble by tlie daily paynes & griefe of llie 
Strangwry, Consideringe tlie P^rayle estate of this poore 
sinfull life. And beinge now about the age of yeares 

doe ordayne and make tliis my last will and tcstanK'nt as 
followeth. And first for my relieion «^' devotion towards 
God, my faith in Christ, & my h>ne to his Saintes vv Ser- 
uantes on Eartli, I do freely, boldly «5c Constantl}' l)eleeve 
(^ Confesse acrainst the damnaljle heresies of ']\nkes, 
Pagans, Jewes, Papists, all Phanla.slleall rfamili>[s c^ all 



een three lions* lieads c 
hree martlets eules. 

iC of wife thu^ far uiuliscovered. 

izabeth, daiigliter, and heir of 
:. RiuUlorfortli or KothorfortUe, 
/O. York, buried at Itoining- 
igb, noarSelby, Fob. '20, 1607. 


ray, (Laughter 
it)' I 3Iore, Kec- 
.': Guisley. 
ied in ItJOS, at 
•ey ; tlied abt. 

Frances, daugb- 
ter of Oliver LoLti- 
sbam of Farriiigton 
Co., Somerset, 


Arms: QuartLTly; i and 4, sable, a fcsse embattled betwveii three lions' heads erased, argent; 2 and 3, 
argent an orle and in chief three martlets rrules. 

Levett of Hnrbor.l. Co. York. teni. Knnic of irlfo lliu^ far ui.discoverea 


N/inio of wife 


Percival Levett, City of York, freo 


of tlie City 15SI. 


Clianiberlnln 1584 ; Sheriff 1597 ; 

buried Fel>. 18, 1617. 

biirieii at St. Martins, Mioklegate, 
Feb. 13, 16J6. 

Elizabeth, Uaiightcr, mid heir of 
Ales. RnUilorforlh or Itothcrfortlif, 
of Co. York, burieii at Hciiihig- 

brougli, iivar Solby, Ft'lt. i)0, 1007. 

WiUiiini I,i>vctl, twin biotlicr of 


Wlfo'snaino unknown. 
Robert, born Fob. 13, Ifill. Ursula, 
bnpt.,Ian.7, lll|7. 

Ulnry Lovfitt 
Imjit. at St. Alicli- 
nol llclfry, July B, 



Uudil-ir forth Lov- 
ott.baiil. St. J,\Mi- 
acl lo Belfry, I>cc. 
I 2fl, IW2. 

(Irace I,--vott, 
bajit. at St. Mid 
ael le Uiilfry, No 
21, 15*4. 

■William Tod.1, of 
York, Apothecary. 
Will proved, IG3G. 

ChriHtoph..T lev- 
ett, of York, free 
o( the city as a 
Steroer by inherit- 
ance in 1C07; Wood- 
ward of Soniorset- 
ablTo; Councilor for 
Kcw Engliind, nnd 
Captain in one of 
his Majesty':) shipa; 
bapt. at All Saint's 
Pave't. Ap'l5, liS6; 
burled atsca 1G31. 


Mercy, daughter 
of I{cib'i.,More, Rec- 
tor C Guisloy. 
Married iu nm, at 
Gidsi'-y; <li,-ij abt. 

Sarah I.evutt, 
bapt. at All Saints'. 
Pavuni.'iil Sept. 27, 
IGIO, M.irried 1G30. 

Uov.Robt. Hitch, 
roctor of Nonnan- 
ton, afti^rwards 
nojin of Voik. JIo 
was a atop snn of 
liov. Robt. flloro, 
- and died at Guislcy 

Rebecca Ijuvctt, 
bapt. at AllSriinLs" 

If ni)ii ried, name 
of linsl>;iiid un- 

Mary Iiuvett, 
bapt. at St. Mich- 
ael la Belfry, Sept. 
7, 1GI3. dieilirrll. 

Jeremiah I.ovett, 
Rector of Loigh- 
loii, liasse-t ; born 
1014, died 1C50. 



Jcronilah IIKch. 

Frances, daugh- 
ter of Oliver Ixttti- 
shani of Farrington 

Co.. Sonicrsot. 

Pereival Lcvi'tt, 
Children: Abigail, 
bapt. Sept. 27, KiU; 
Maiy, Sept. 2r,, 
Ifil5 1 Sarah, Nov. 
29, 1GI6; Martha, 
biiriedNov. 2,1G11; 
Samuel, freo as a 
Alorcliaiit by inher- 
iLuice, 11130 ; Jos- 
eph do. 1051 ; Ben- 
jamin, John, Eli;;a- 


Xamoof wif.- un- 

Anno r,ovott, 
Married Mar. 102,1, 
RudMnr. !>7, 1027. 


Chris. Tophani, 
Merchant ami Al- 

dorninn of York, 

died, 1628. 


Joseph Mirklo- 
thwaito, rhysielnn, 
died Sept. 7, lli.'iS. 


Timothy Lcvctt, 
bapt. Mar. 22, 1G17, 
of -Went Lydford, 
Somerset, Gent. 

Will, May IS, 1C50, 
proved lUCa. 


She was living at 
tho date of her hus- 
band's will. 

KUKabeth Levett, 
biipt. Mar. IC, 1010. 
Was living unniiir- 
ricil In 1650. 


If iniirrlfd name 
of liuijliiind un- 

Mary I^ 
living unmarried In 


Joan Levett, 

living nnmarriiiii in 


other old or iiewe hereticall clevises whatsoever, that same 
holy ffaith sound doctrine of Saluation by Christ alone, 
which is pn]3lished <^ taught in the Church of England & 
which I have beene learninge all my life out of the pure 
fountayne of the vnchangeable word of God, both in the 
Vniuersitie of Cambridge for tlie Space of Tenne yeares, 
<^ in the Co un trie euer since & w^- I haue now by the spec- 
iall grace of God publikelye taught t^c preached constantly 
both in the South & North parts, & in my owne Charge 
especially about the space of years Continuinge to 
the extent of reasonable abilitie, to reade, expoimd, Cate- 
chise, pray, preach, *^' sing Psalmes, & neuer at better ease 
then wlien I am so occupied ; Then for niy fu'st Callinge 
unto & charge of this Rectorie, whereunto it pleased 
God to call mee bein^e come fro Canibrid<je when I was 
24 years old to see my friends «^' stayinge to preach at 
Skipton Castle b}' the request of y^ noble Earle George 
& his Lady Margaret Countesse of Cumberland ]3augh- 
ter to y^ most noble & worthie ff rancis Earle of Bedford, 
& there continuim/e about a vcare and an halfe preach- 
inge in Craven »^ once or twise at Giesley vpon intreaty, 
it pleased God thereby to worke such an earnest desire 
«^ constant resolution in mv Predecessor Mr. Pateman 
to resigne <^ giue ouer his Charge of this people, by 
reason of his owne disal)ilitie, that the noble Earle of 




Huntington vnderstandlnge thereof did acquaint my 
Lord of Cumberland «^ his Ladye tlicrew* & moved 
them to make it knowne to that most worthie Earle of 
Bedford writino;e his owne ho^'^"^ letter also to Patron at 
the Court, w^ tlie Earle of Bedford sollici tinge & pcur- 
inge the helpe of his noble ffriends the Earle of War- 
wicke, his Son in Lawe, the Lo : Peregrin Bartu Lord 
Willobye, The Earle of Oxford <^' S' ITrancis Walsing- 
ham, beincr all about the Court, <5c hauinije heard mee 
preach it pleased God so to move all their harts as to 
ioyne their purses together & to purchase the Patrons 
title of p'sentinge for euer & to passe their title vnto the 
Lord Willobye only, who did beare the greatest part of 
the Charge, & his honor to ])''seivt mee first, & after to 
passe the whole Title to mee foreuer, w^ his LorP did 
most Ho^''>' })erforme under the Scale of his Armes, & 
therefore I do w^ all reverence c^' thankfullnesse Comend 
their worthie Zeale & holy care to set forward the j^rcach- 
inge of the Gospell as a })attern to all posteritic ♦^' in this 
hol}^ faith & true rcligion.'i: to beleeve onl\^ in the 
infinite mercies of God the ffather by the merits of the 
sufferings & riohteousnesse of lesus Christ tlirou''h the 
grace of the holy sanctifyinge s|)irit, & to worship this 
onely true and eternall (iod the ffather son c^ holy Gliost, 
3 persons k one God accord inge to his owne word w^ 



out any other Romish, Earthly or humane inventions 
(except such only as for order, decency, or edification) & 
sincerely to loue the Brethren y* do the like, I do most 
ioyfully & constantly Hue & dye, as for the controu'sies 
in our Church about ceremonies & the order and manner 
of gouernment, this Is my comfort y^ wee cannot iustly 
be charged \v^ anything y^ Is simply evUl Sc contrary to 
Gods word though many learned & good men haue 
alwaies holden & do still hold, & y^ w* great reason y^ 
needlesse ceremonies greatly abused in . Poperle & re- 
malnlnge still In our church are very Inconvenient k 
dangerous & therefore ought by the authority & zeale. 
of our Christian ooirnours In conuenlent time to bee 
removed Sc not multlplycd : ho\vsoeu[er] for the time by 
the wisdome «S: humility of ye modest & discreet people 
they may bee tolerated, & yet this also In this case Is 
not the least part of my griefe to see so great and strong 
opposition, euen to the hazards & lossc of their estates & 
callings, yea to the touch & liuelyhood of many godly 
and learned men, In thinc's of small moment, not touch- 
Inge matter but manner, not substance but ceremonies, 
not piety but ])ollIcie, not deuotlon but decencie, not 
conscience but comcllnesse ; Wherein for myselfe, I do 
confesse, y^ as I could neuer take vpon mee to bee a 
resolute l^atron of such humane ordinances, should I 



neii[er] fynd lust cause of sufficient waiglit to warrant my 
selfe or any otlier to oppose or renounce tliem, bcini^' 
comandecl l^y lawful! Authority, but rather regardinge 
the peace of our Church the liberty of the Gospell & 
obedience to Authoritie, I haue held it to befitte & con- 
ucnient to sul^niit niysclfe to a wise & discreet tolera- 
tino'e & vsini^e of them till the time of reformation ; And 
I haue euer laboured to perswade all others (either 
remaininge w^ mee, or resortinge vnto mee) to follow the 
same Course whereof there are many witnesses yet 
liuinge, & many others who are w^ the Lord. But most 
w^ofull & lamentable aboue all other abuses, are those 
dangerous & sacrilegious robberies & spoyles of our 
Churches both in the South & in the North parts 
whereby our Rectories & Parsonages are inapj^ropriated 
& wrongfullie tunu'^d into the possession of Covetous 
worldlini^s, & so into vicarages & miserable Curatshiijs 
of 5'', 10'^ or 20 marks pensions per annum, or the like, 
w*^ most fearfull & bloody robberie the Devill hrst devised 
k j)racticed by y^ robbinge Romish vsurped powrr 
vnder p^'tence of holinesse k charitable relievings of his 
floystred munkeries, Abbats k nunries kc, most grie\'- 
ously wronginge thereby the maiest)' of God himselfe w' 
the Princes & pe()j)le also of the world, this luon.slrou.s 
cryinge abuse hath beene so suffered k continued eu[er ) 



since tlie death of K : M : tlie S^^\ as y^ all the godly En- 
deavours & zealous care of our famous Ks. & Os. w^ our 
most reuend Bishops & Ho:^^^^' nobles & whole Estate 
could neu[er] refonue the same & vpon this wofuU spoill 
& decay of our Church livings Satan hath too violently 
& necessarily drawne in another mischiefe worse (if pos- 
sible) then the former, w^ is our blind guides or igno- 
rant readinge Ministers the very poyson & plague of 
our Churches the disgrace & shame of the gospell & 
destruction of our people, for insufficient maintenance 
hath bred insufficient Ministers & these two are the 
most wofull & dangerous In our EnoHsh Church & most 
necessarle to bee reformed, But tlie Christian care of our 
gracious King, our most reuend Bishops (whose princi- 
pal! care & charge it ought to bee) our zealous nobles & 
godly subiects w^^ holy worke the Lord for his mercy 
wolde bring to passe in his good appoynted time to the 
giorie of his name & Comfort of his Church. And for 
my earthly estate w^ Is not greate but such as God in 
his mercifull providence hath luged & appoynted to 
bee" best for mee, first for my freehold lands, as God 
hath giuen dius Tenements and Lands vnto mee so do 
I for his sake & to be a poore example of holy devotion 
k charity to others of better ability freely & cheerfully 
glue one speclall Tenement in Monston now in the 



Tenour of Christopher Watson of the yearly rent of 5^^ 
or as it shall bee reasonablie valued hereafter, \v^ y^' con- 
sent "of the sayd schooleniaster vnto y*^ schoolehouse w^^ I 
have lately builded & to the schooleniaster thereof for his 
better maintenance w^ all the buildings, Garth & Crofte 
on the backside & all other Closes Crofts & landes there- 
vnto belonginge \v* all their appurtenances, in Menston 
aforesayd now in the Tenure of the said Christopher 
Watson or his assignes, prouidcd alwaies & vpon this 
condition y* the sayd schooleniaster bee alwaies chosen 
& appointed by the Rector of the Church & to have his 
dyet & lodgeinge in the Hall and Parsonage \v^ the 
Churcliini:>"e duties or Tenne Pounds in lue thereof if 


the said schooleniaster cann better pVide for himselfe, 
And secondlie for those ffreehold Lands in Menston 
which I bought of W. Jeffray Pickard k liis sonne Wil- 
liam as appeareth by the deeds tlierof I doe give them 
all to my naturall sonne and heire Timothye More to- 
gether with one little Deske in my greate Parlour con- 
taininere the deeds k writing's thereof: that is to sav all 
'that Capitall Messuage with all the Lands now in his 
own occupation thereunto belonginge or in the occupa- 
tion of his Assicrnes for & during" the Tearme of his natu- 
rail life And to the heires of his body lawfully begotten 
or Lawefully to be begotten 



and for defalt of such helres then I doe give all those 
said Lands vnto Jeremye Levett my Grandsonne and to 
his heires for ever accordinge to one deede of ffeoffment 
which I haiie heretofore made to my v/orthy ffreinds & 
kinsfolkes, M^ Doctor Micklethwaite & M"" Parsevall 
Levett, Cittizens of Yorke whereby I haue intaild all 
those Lands unto my said Grandsonne Levett for the 
Tearme of his Life and to the heires of his body Law- 
fully begotten for ever. I doe also giue unto him the 
said Jeremy Levet all my best bookes & best Apparrell : 
But as for those other Three Litle Tenements remain- 
ing in my owne right & disposing Lyinge in Menston or 
Burleywoodhead, the first whereof bcinge late in tlie 
Tennour of Robert Nixon and now in the Tennour of 
Walter Fournesse of the yearly rent of seaven Nobles ; 
the second in the Tennour of Richard Sunderland of the 
yearely rent of a Marke ; and the Third in the Tennour 
of Richard Eldsworth of Burley Woodhead of the yearely 
rent of fforty shillings I doe give them all with all the 
Lands buildings and all appurtenances therevnto belong- 
inge vnto my Grandaughter I\Iarye Levett and to her 
heires and Assiones forever in rccrard of her Carefull 
attendance about me and her diligent respect of my 
howse kcepinge because her portion is the weakest of 
all my Three Grandcliildren, As for all other Lands k 




Tenements in Burley, Biirley woodhead or elsewhere 
which hee my sonne Timothy hath bought by himselfe or 
with my helpe, I leave them all to his owne disposinge. 
And for my Coppyhold Lands in the Forrest of Kharese- 
brough I have disposed and surrendered them hereto- 
fore as appeareth ; Now for my goods vpon this Condi- 
tion that my said sonne & heire doe not att anytime 
hereafter make any Clame thereof or doe not trouble 
my Executors about the same, I doe giue vnto him one 
greate Siluer bowle with two greate Siluer Spoones & 
two Lesse Siluer Spoones and one litle Siluer peice 
for wine & one gold Ringe with all Tables Bedsteads & 
other household Stuffe remainino-e in the howse att 
Menston wherein hee now dwelleth : And I doe also 
give vnto my Granddaughter Mary Levett the iust 
somme of lliree hundred Pounds for mendincie her 
portion ; Now for my Worthy Learned Sc Wor^^ Sonne 
in Lawe I\L Robert Mitch I doe f::ive vnto him all that 
title and right which I have in the disposinge of the 
Rectory, or Parsonage of the Church & Parrish of Gies- 
ley which was assured & convayed vnto me by the right 
PJqMc Perecrrine Lord Willobve vnder the Scale of his 
Amies with all the evidences thereof assurinije mvselfe 
that if my Said Sonne in Lawe M*" Mitch bee not my 
next Sucessor that then my most hoi)efull Grandsonne 

IVP Jeremy 



NP Jeremy Levette shalbe my next Successor & none 
other accorcllnge to his most faithfull promisse which 
hee hath freely made vnto mee : In assured hope whereof 
I doe also give vnto him my best bedstead in the greate 
Parlour with the greate wainscott Presse and Portall all 
the Glassc with the Iron Barres & Casements with all the 
Lowse window Soles & tlie Wainscott pertitions in the 
Mall Parlours, Kitchen Iling roomcs, Gallerye Chambers 
with all the Mapps and Pictures with all the Seats & Shel- 
ues therein & all the loose boards In the hi!2:h Lofts & 
over the Oxen & Calves with all other Swall & Timber 
in the Laith, fould or wood and all the Timber for the 
Dove Coate with all Stees and heckes and Plancers in 
the Stable beast howses or fould, with all the Doores 
Lockes k Keys in the Hall, out Kitching, Stables, Gar- 
ners, Layths as they are now, wath the same Steepfatt 
and all other Stone troughes ; the out portall gate & all 
the gates about the fould, with all other petitions, ffences 
k Dowres about the inner Courte, Garden k Orchard, 
the value of all which I leave to his owne Estimation : 
and doe thinke them all to litle in regard of his true 
harted Love to his brother Levett & his Sister TvLary 
my howsekeeper ; And my will is that all these Severall 
Parselles doe remaine k continue to the vse of my said 
Grandsonne Levet when hee shall enter vnto It, and I 







doe give vnto my said Grandsonne M*" Hitch one little 
Ironbund Chist or Coffer with severall petitions for 
swerall Coynes 8c two Gaueling Staves in the Hall. It, 
I give to Cozen Ogden in Yorke 40^, and to my honest 
religious Cozen Snawdon for his children 20^ And to 
my true Convert l\l^ Goulsbrough 20^ to bee payd vnto 
him the ffirst day of IMay w^ is after my death soe longe 
as he Lives; To Robert Oldfeild 20^ To Grace Deni- 
son xv^ To Ellen Bransby vj^ viij^^. To Isaacke Illing- 
worth vj^ viij^" To Tho : Sergant v^. To Ro : Dinison 
of Yeddon 5^ To John Rimer vj^ viij^ To my Curate 
Tenn Shillings, To my Clarke fiive Shillings; and to 
Hollins Twelue pence ; ffor my burial 1 dutyes ; To iiight 
power Children which I have bound ovt Apprentiscs 
every one of them Twelve pence. To litle Isaack 
lllingworth xij^^. Item, I give vnto Mr. Charles Ffair- 
fax my wor^' & Religious Neighbour my Steile Spcire 
in the Portall & two Gauelincr Staues in the KitchlnLi' ; cs: 
M^^ ffairfax my perfume gilded bellowes & to my Grand- 
daughter M^^ Sara Hitch my Pepper Mlllne & my greale 
Abbay grater; And yett to shew my further Care & 
Charitable towards all orderly poore besides our dayly 
releife, att our monthly Cesments our vsuall Collections 
att all our Communions; And my yearely givlnge of 
Eight or Tenn Pounds out of my owne private Box 



for the vse of the power. I doe give ffower Nobles to 
€very Towne a Noble to be dealt to every power house 
ffower pence or Sixpence by the dischretion of the 
officers in every Towne with the consent of Thomas 
Bailey, Abraham Bayston, Mathew Smith & William 
Morrell & to haue noe bcggin att my ffuncrall, And my 
will is this to bee done in the morninQ-e or about Sonne 
Sett; the greate bell onely beinge told in going to & 
fTrom Church And euery honest able housholder of 
this Towne havinge vj*^^ sent an houre before or two ; to 
accompany my Corpes And to have two or Three Pot- 
tells of Clarrett wine and a iManchett loafe beinge Cutt 
in fower in the Hall wlien it goeth forth ; And onely 
the buriall prayers in the Church and soe home ; And 
thus my Debts Legacies & ffunerall expenses beinge 
discharged, The rest of my goods I give to my three 
Children i\P Robert Hitch PvP Jeremy Levett & Mary 
Levett to be equally devidcd amongcst them ; whome 
I also make my Joynt Executors of this my Last will & 
Testament. Domine Jesu veni Cito Amen. Sealed & 
deliuered in the presence of vs Raiph Gates, Curate. 
Abraham Baitsonne. Et Septimodie IMensis Octobres 
Anno D'm 1644 probatum fuit hujus testamenti per 
testimonium Jeremioe Levet. 


1 N 1) B X . 


Abcrieuey, 110, 110^ 

Abnakis, 82,92,93,110 

Adams, Nathaniel, Annals of Torts- 

mouth, 90 

Alr,er, Thomas 120 

Algiers 10 

All Saints Tavement, 7, ix 

Anni-seeds, ...120 

" Anspedwell," the, 40 

Aquamenticus River 92, 92 /t 

Arambega, 82 

"Arbella." the 70 

Argall, Capt. Samuel 41 

Armada, the 3 

Arundel, Thomas Howard, Earl of, 

81, 82 
Autograph of Levett, Christopher, 

20, 31. 37, 55, 50, 59, 02, 04, 00 

Bailey, Thomas 151 

Baitsonne, Abraham 151 

Baker, Edmund 120 

Bancroft's United States, 83 

Banks, Dr. Cliarles E xi 

Barnsby, Ellen 150 


Basket Island 93 

Bastable, 1 02 

Bateman, liev Ill 

Bay of Biscay, ;)3 

Bay of Cadiz, 3:! 

Bayston, Abraham 1 M 

Beauvois, Eugene '^~ 

Bedford, Francis, Earl of. . . . Ul. 1 5:.' 

Beechcr, Sir Willui To 

Berry's Sussex Genealogy, 2 

Biddeford, 21 

Biddeford Bonl, 21,93 

Blunder, Sir George ''>'> 

" Bonne venture," tlie 45 

Boothbay, BH 

Boston Harbor, 90 

Bradford, Gov. William 81,91 

Bradford, Gov. William, History of 

Ply mouth Plantation 15, 84 

Brewster, Edward vii 

Bristol, (England),. .X, 70, 70n, 77, 91 

British Mus*nnn, 7 

Brown, Bev. Frederick xi 

JU-yant, Hubbard W xi 

Buckingham, Duke of, .4, 0, 13, 30, 5-'j, 



55, 56, 57, 59, GO, 62, 63, 73, 81, 8bi 

Bark's Virginia 83 

Burley Woodhead 147, 148 

Cabot, Sebastian 5,77 

Cabots, tlie x 

Cadiz, 33,34,40 

Caldwell, Mr 71 

Calender of State Papers, 84 

Calles, 40,41,46.47,48, 50 

Cambridge, (England) 4 

Cape Ann, 122 

Cape Cod, 20, 41, 48 

Cape Da Roca, 40 

Cape Elizabeth, 99, 101, 105 

Capemanwagan, 101, 104 

Cape Mondego, 40 

Cape Porpoise, 18, 93 

Cape of Sagadahock, 101 

Cape St. Vincent, 40 

Casco,.. 24, 101. 102, 104, 126 

Casco Bay, 3, 24, 27, 31, 61, 67, 75. 

101, 105 

Casco River, 105 

Cecil, Edward 32 

Cersa-perilla, 120 

Cliamplain, Sieur Saumel de...2l, 89 

Cliapman 12G, 128 

Charles I ix, 27. 30, 68. 81 

Charles, Prince 25 

Charter House, xi 

Cherry Trees 120 

Chestnuts, 120 

Choiiacoet 03 

Cleeve, George 1*9 

Cogawesco, 24. 102, 103, 104, 111 

Coke, ^^r 102 

Coke, Sir John. ...ix, 27, 28, 30, 31, 34 

37, 39, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 63, 66 

Cole, Amias, 90h 

Collins, Dr. F xi, 6 

Columbus, Christoper 5 

Conway, (Indian chief) 108, 111 

Conway, Edward, Lord ix, 13, 15 


Conway's Letter Book ix, 13 

Cornwall, ....51 

Council for planting, ruling, and gov- 
erning New England,. .11, 12, 13, 
14, 15, 25, 35, 45, 74, 81, 82 )i, 107 

Council for Virginia, 32, 35 

Cowper, Lord, . ix 

Craven 141 

Cromwell, Oliver 1 35 

Cromwell, Sir Oliver 35, 45 

Croo, Henry 63 

Crystal Hill, 20,98 

Cumberland, 101 

Cumberland, George, Earl of, 141, 142 
Cumberland, Margaret, Countess of, 

Cushing's Island, 21,99 

Dalla way's Sussex, 2 

De Costa, B. F 83 

Delaware, Lord 41 , 83 

De Monts, 21 

Denison, Grace 150 

Derbyshire, ix 

Devereux, Robert 43 

Diamond Island 21, 99 

Dinison, \lo. : 150 

1 )oncaster. xi, 72, 73 

1 )oncaster Bridge, 72 

Don River, 72 

Dorsetshire, vii, 8, 35 



Dover, (England) 20 

Downing, Emanufl 76 

Drake, Sir Francis 3, 4, 33 

. "Dreadnaugiit," the 45 

Dunkerkers, 51 

Eagle Island 03 

Eldsworth, Richard 147 

Elizabeth, Queen 5, 13 

Elizabethan Age, the 4 

Endicott, John x, 74, 70 

England, 5, 10, 25, 32, 35, 30, 38, 47, 

120, 121 

Essex, Earl of, 41,43, 40 

Exeter. Earl of, 32 

Fairfax, Charles 150 

' " Fairuiaids," 51 

Fane, Mr ix 

Farrington, 11 

Fish, strange, .85 

Fisheries, the 38, 02, 00, 101, 120, 122/i, 


Fletchers' Neck, 03 

Fore River, / 21, 100, 105 

Forests, protection of, 10, 11 

Forster's Yorkshire, , 2 

Fournesse, Waller 147 

Fowl abundant, 01, 120 

France 30, 00 

Friar's Bridge, 72 

Frobisher, Sir Martin 4 

Fulford 0, xi 

Fuinadi^s, 51 

Gardiner, Sir Christopher. ...75, 7*5/i 
Gie.sley, see Cluisley. 

Gilbert, Sir IJunii^hrfy 4 

Goold's Portland 107 

Gooseberries, 120 

Gorgeana, 02 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando,. ..11, \2n, 15, 
16. 18, 22, 23, 31. 3bj, 37, 43, 70, 83, 

90, 92, 105 
Gorges, Robert 15, 10m, 17, 31, 81, 00, 

01, 102 

Gouldsborough, (Maine) 150 

Greenwich, (England) 15 

Gnisley, 0, 7, ix, 141, 148 

Hackett, Frank W 00 

Ilakluy t Richard, 27 

Hamburgers, 51 

Harleian Society, 2 

Hartwell, Henrico 76 

Harvey, Capt. John 54 

Harvey, Sir John 83, 84 

Heath, Ro 70 

Henrietta, Princess 25 

Henry I, 2, viii 

Henry VII, 1 

Henry Vlll,.... 145 

Herrings, 00 

Hitch, Robert 148, 150, 151 

Hitch, Sara 150 

Holderness, Jolin, Earl of 81,82 

Hollins, 150 

Ilorsford, Ebcn N 82 

House Island, 21,00,105,100 

Hudson, Henry 82 

Hunter's, Doncaster 2 

Hunter's, South Yorkshire 2 

Huntington, I'^arl of 141, 142 

lilingworth, Isaac 150 

Indians, | 20, 22, 23. 24. 57, 07, 82, 00, 
Savages, ( 02, 08, 101, 105, 100. 10^. 


Iron, 121 



Isle of Rh^ 00,02 

Isles asses hautes, 80 

Isles of Sholes, 17, 80, 90, 122 

James I,. ..5,8, 30, 35, 72, 81, 100, 117 
Jarvfs, John, Earl of St. Vincent,. .40 

Jellburt, Captain 45 

Jesuit Colony at Mount Desert,. . .41 
Jones, Williairi vii, 7, 8, 71 

Kennebunk River 18 

Kliareseboroiigli, 148 

Killiiltagb, Viscount 15 

Leary, Lieutenant 107 

Levett Arms, viii, I 

Levett, Capt. Cliristopher, entitled of 
Yorkshire, 2; baptism of, 2 ; lar- 
entage of, 2, 3; little known of 
the youth of, 3; education of, 4; 
avenues for liis advancement re- 
stricted, 5; attached to Bucking- 
liam, 0, 7; intimate with the 
More family, G ; married Mercy 
More, 7 ; children born of the first 
marriage, 7 ; employed in the 
royal forest, 7 ; his work as 
Timber Measurer, 7, 8; value of 
lusbook, 0; rarity of the book, 
9/1 ; Woodward of Somersetshire, 
10, 11 ; death of his wifr, 11 ; 
second marriage of, 11 ; children 
of the second marriage, 11; con- 
templated a voyage to New Eng- 
land, 13; Uuul grant to. (102:;), 
13, i;'./i ; Conway's letter concern- 
ing, 14, 15; not successful in in- 
teresting his Yorkshire friends 
in the enterprise, 15; set out for 

New England, 15, IGn ; at Isles 
of Shoals, 17, 80, 00; at Odiorns' 
Point, 17, 90/1 ; met Thompson, 
Gorges and members of the new 
government, 17, 00, 01 ; coasted 
eastward, 17-24, 92, 93; his 
cheerful spirit, 10, 73, 74, 00; 
seized with a chill, 21, 07 ; found 
the Indians friendly and hospi- 
table, 23, 10<3, 101, 102; decided 
upon a place of settlement, 24, 
104, 105, 105n ; erected a fortified 
building, 24, 105 ; bade adieu to 
the Indians, 24 ; reached Eng- 
land, 25 ; found none bold enough 
to assist in colonization, 25, 20; 
sought a command in foreign ser- 
vice, 20; spent Christmas (1024) 
at Sherborne, 20 ; letter to Coke, 
27, 28, 29 ; chafed under en- 
forced idleness, 30 ; letter to 
Coke, 30, 31; became iiitexested 
with Gorges, 31 ; disappeared 
from sight for a brief period, 31 ; 
in the expedition of Oct. 5, 1G25, 
against Spain, 31-34; letter to 
Coke, 34-37 ; desired command 
of the Neptvme, 36, 37 ; asked to 
give an account of the expedition 
to Cadiz, 37, 38; practical sug- 
gestions of, 38, 30; desired to ap- 
pear before the Council, 30, 52; 
his proposals how to reduce the 
])ower of Spain, 30-'):> ; applied 
to Nicholas for a ship, 53, 54, 55; 
ap[)ealed to Coke, 00, 50); not 
forgetful of his plantation in New 
Eni;land, 57 ; his dejiendence on 




Coke, 57 ; wearied with petty 
jealousies, 57 ; letter to Coke, 58, 
69 ; lost sight of for nearly a year, 
51); not with Buckingham, at 
' Isle of Ehd, GO; letter to Coke 
beseeching him not to let New 
England fall into the hands of 
the enemy, Gl, G2 ; met Bucking- 
ham, 03; letter to Coke, G:), G4 ; 
his opinions relative to New Eng- 
land, G4-CG; his persistence bore 
fruit, G6, G7; grant from the 
King, 68-71 ; contributions taken 
up, 71 ; prepared an account of 
his experience in New England, 
71; petitioned parliament, 1G27, 
in relation to his collecting tolls 
at his bridges, 71, 72 ; his patent 
not sustained, 72, 73, 7ort ; busy 
with his schemes of settiemont, 
73; met Winthrop at Salem, 74, 
75; how came he in New Eng- 
land, 74, 75 ; died and was bniied 
at sea, 75, 7G/1 ; his ship met by 
his widow, 70; his estate admin- 
istered by his widow, 7(5, 7<w!, 
77/1 ; his character, I'J, 24, 7.j, 
74; autograph, 20, 31, :;?, 55, 50, 
59, G2, G4, 06; mentioned, vii, viii, 
89, 90, 91. 93, 94, 90, 100, 103, 
105n, 100, 109. 110, 113, 122. 120, 

Levett, Elizabeth viii, ix, x, 11 

Levett, Mrs. I^lizabeth 1 

liCvett family, 1,4 

Levett, Frances x, 70) 

Levett Inn 4 . 

Levett, Jeremy 4, 7, 1 17, 140, 151 

Levett, John 4, 4/1 

Levett, xMary 7. 147, 148, 149, 151 

Levett, Mercy G, 7, 11 

Levett, Bercival viii, 2, 147, 149 

Levett, Rebecca 7 

Levett, Richard 3 

Levett, Robert 1 

Levett, Sarah 7 

Levett, Thomas 1 

Levett, Timothy 11 

Levett, William 72 

Levett's Book, xi 

Levett's River, 22, 100 

London, vii, ix, xi 

Lottisham, Frances 11 

Lottisham, Oliver 1 1 

Love, Capt. Thomas 45 

Mackey , James 100 

Mackey 's Island, 100 

Macworth, Arthur 22 

Macworth's Island, xii, 22, lOG 

Madena, Duke of 43,49 

Maine 18 

Maine Historical Society, vii, 107 

Maine, Province of 2<> 

Mansfeldt, Count 20 

Maria, Princess of Si)ain 25 

Martin, Richard 22 

Martin's Point, 22 

Mason, Capt. John 7G, 90 

Massachusetts, 9<), 122 

Massachusetts Bay 74 

Massacluisotts Historical Society 

Publications, 90 

Maverick, Amias 90 

xMaverick's Description of New iMig- 

land, 107 




Maverick, Sumiul 00. 100. 107 

Melbourne House, ix, 27, o\) 

Melton, viii, 1, 2 

Menaworniet 102. 1 1 1 

Men,ston 145, 1-10,147 

Micklethwaite, Mr. Dr 117 

Mill Bridge, 72 

Millers' Doncaster. .2 

Monhegan Island, 20, 08, 104 

Monopoliui 12, 72 

More, Mercy ix, G 

]More, Rev. Robert 

More, Rev. Robert, Will of 14n 

3Iore, Timothy 140, 14b 

Morrell, William 16, 151 

Morton, Thomas, 75, 70/i 

Mosquitoes, 123 

Mount Desert, 41 

Munjoy Island, 22 

Murphy, Henry 82 

Negro Island, 0-3 

Neill's Virginia Caroloruin, 54 

" Neptune," the 30, 37 

New England, vii, viii, ix, x. 11, 13., 
15, 10, lUu, 17, 25, 2b, 31, 30,37, 
3b, 41,51,52, 53, 57, 01, 03, 07, 
70,71.73, 74, 75, 82, b3, 84, 85, 
89, 08, 105, 114, 121, 122, 123, 120, 
127, 131, 138. 

New England Patent, 25 

Newfoundland 51 

New Plymouth, .see Plymouth, Mass. 

Nicholas, Edward 53, 54, 55, 57 

Nicoli, Ferdinando 70 

Nixon, Robert 147 

Normanton viii, 1 

Northern Colony, 81 

North Yarmouth, 101 

Norumbfga, 82 

Nova Albion, 82 

Gates, Ralph 151 

Odiorne's Point, 17, 00 

Ogden, 150 

Oldfitdd, Robert 150 

:)ld Orchard Beach 21 

)pparunwit, Ill 

)xford, Earl of, 142 

*ann.away 00, OOu 

^aradise of New England, the — 122 

^aris, 50 

'ascataquack, 76 

cISCRl.XclWcl\ ,.••• ••• •••••«• t^'w 

'aul's Churchyard, vii 

*awwawes, 116 

'aynter, Rev. Henry. 70u, 77?i 

'eaks' Island, 21,00 

\".maquid, 102, 103. 122 

Vnnington, Thomas 56 

'enobscots, the 23 

Y'smokanti 02 

'ickard, William 146 

'ickard, W. Jeffray Mi) 

Mercc, Capt. William 74 

Mlchards, 51 

'ilgrims, the 01 

Mpe-staves, 121 

'iscataiiua River, 17, 90 

'itch 121 

"Pkuitalion." the 83 

Plum trees 120 



Ply mouth, (Englana.) 30, 31, U, o9, 

C2, 75, 90 

Plymouth, (Massacliusetts,) 12, 10,82, 

8i, 84u, 1)1, 122, 127 

'' Poor Johns," 51 

Popham, Sir John 23 

Portland, (Maine,) xi, 77 

Portland Harbor, .21, 23, 57, O'.J 

Portsmouth, (England.) 54 

Portsmouth, (New Ilampsnive.) 00,02 

Power Children, the 1 5(» 

Presumpscot Fall, 22, 100 

Presumpscot River 22, 23, lOO/i 

Prince Society, 12, 15 

Privy Council, 1(3, 67, 75, 7(3, 82 

Probate of Bristol, x 

Public Record Ofiice, 13 

Public Records ix 

Puntal, Fort at, 33, 41, 41 

Purchase, S 4 

Putney, Raron Cecil 32 

Quack 07, 00, 102, 101 

Quack, name given to the territory 
explored by Levett, 21 

Ralegh. Sir Waller 4, 11 

Ram Island, .... 03 

l^iaspes 120 

RatclitT, Philip 70 

Records of Council of New England, 


Rh^, Isle of (30, (;2 

Richmond Island, 22 

Rich, Robert, 82 

Rimer, Jolm 150 

liochelle, 50, 00 

Rolls House xi 

Rotherforth, Alexander. 3 

Rotherforth, P^lizabeth viii, 3 

Rotherforth, Robert 3 

Rouse, Nicholas 120 

Saco, 18. 21, 93, 03ii 

Saco Bay, 97 

Saco River, 17, 19, 20, 03, 94, 90, 07, 


Sadanioy t, 23 

Sagadahock, 101 

Sagadahoc River 23 

St. Martin GO 

St. Mary, port of, 40 

St. Mary's Bridge, 72 

St. Michael le Belfry, 7 

Salem, x, 74, 75, 70, 70;i 

Salmon, ...99, 100 

Salmon abundant, 22 

Sainsbury, William Noel xi 

Sassafras, , 120 

Savages, see Indians. 

Sawaguatock, 93 

Scrope, Lord Emanuel, 15 

Sergant, Tho 150 

Sewall's Ancient Dominions of 

Maine, 83 

Sherborne, vii, viii, 7, 8, 11, 20, 20, 30, 
oo, ._>/, 0-, wo, 01, lb, iha 

Shurtleff, Nathaniel B 90 

Skelton, Rev. Samuel 74 

Skipton Castle, 141 

Skitterygusset. 23, 1 1 1 

Smith, Capt. John 11, lOn. 82, 89, 122 

Smith, Matthev/ 151 

Smith's Isles, 89 

Snawdon, 150 

Snydale, 1 




Somerset 102, 103, 108, 111. 112 

Somersetshire, vii, 10, 11 

Sot4ier Cape, 40. 44, 48, 50 

Southern Cohjiiy, 81 

Southport, 101 

Sowocatack 9-'] 

Spain, . ..3, 25, 31, 32/i, 3:3, 38, 39, 41 

52, 07 

Spaniards, 3, 33, 34. 40, 41 

Spuhnan, Sir Henry,. 13 

Spurwiuk, 17, 20. 09 

Squibb, Capt. Thomas, 10 

Squanto, 115, 110 

Stage Ishmd 93 

State Papers, 83, 84 

Stoke's Bay, 55, 56 

Strawberries, 120 

Stuart, James 5 

Sturgions, 99 

Sunderland. Karl of, 15 

Sunderland, Kicliard 147 

" Susan and Ellen," the.. 32, 37, 55,50 

" Swiftsure," the 41 

Sykes, Dr. John xi 

Tanto, 112, 115, HO 

Tar 121 

Tarrantons, 112 

Thaker, Mr. 29 

Thevefs Cosinogrophie,. , ^^2 

Thompson, David 17, I'O 

'J'hompson, Mrs. David 90 

Timber in English forests 10 

good store of, in New Eng- 
land,.... 91.92, 101, 121 

Trelawny Tapers, 90,92, 107, 120 

Trelawny, Robert 22, 105 

Tucker, llichard 99 

Verrazano, Ilieronimus 83 

Vetromile's Abnakis, 82 

Villiars, George, see Buekingham, 
Duke of. 

Vines, Kicliard, 21, 22 

Virginia, 54,05,81,82, 83 

Virginia Company, 5 

Walnuts, 120 

Walsingham, Sir Francis 112 

Warwick, Earl of 81, 142 

Waters, Henry F., xi 

Watson, Christopher 140 

Way mouth, Capt. George 99 

Wentworlh, Sir Tlio'mas 73 

Wessagussett, 91 

West, Lady Anne 83 

West, Capt. Francis 10. lOu, 82, 83, 84 

W^est Indies, 38, 51 , 52 

West, Sir Thomas 83 

Weston, Mr. 15, 125, 120 

Weston, Thomas 91, 9bi 

Weymouth, (.Massachu.setts,) .91 

White .Mountains, 94 

Wiggin, Capt. Thomas 70 

"William," the 70 

Will of llev. Robert More 140 

Willoughby, Lord Peregrin, 142 

Wimbledon, Lord 32, 33, 31, 4U/t 

Winter, John 22, 105, 120 

Winthrop's Journal, x 

Winthrop's, Gov. John, New Eng- 
land, 74, 75, 70 

Winthrop, John, Jr. , 70 

Witheriilge, Mr. 102 

Woodhouse 1 

Wood Ishuul 93 

Wood's New England Prospect,. . 110 




Woodward , , 

Woodward's duties, the, 10 

Yardlcy, Sir George ...b-\ 

Yeddon, 150 

York, County of, ) viii, 1,2, o, U, 15. 
Yorkshire, ( Vj, 75 

York Deeds, 107 

York, (England,) viii, ix, xi, 2, 7, 1*', 

11, 147, 150 
York, (Maine,) 24,65, 92,1)0, lul, 102, 


York, President of,. l;J, 15 

York River, ly 

Youiii^'s, Alexander, Chronicles of 
the rilgriins, IK) 

NoTK. This index was made by Edward Denhain, Esq., of New Bedford, Mass. 

J. p. ij. 



The G o r g e s S o c I e t y 


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Deering, Henry 
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Detroit Public Library, 
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Hammond, George Warren 
Harris, Benjamin Foster 
Harvard University Library, 
Healy, James Augustine 
Hill, Winfield Scott ^ 
H oil ings worth, S. 
Hunt, David 
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New Bedford. 
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Cambridge, Mass. 



Lapham, William Berry . Augusta, Me. 

Libby, Charles Freeman Portland. 

Library of Congress, Washington. 

Library of Parliament, Ottawa. 

Little, George Thomas Brunswick, Me. 

Littlefield, George Emery Boston. 

Locke, Ira Stephen Portland. 

Locke, Joseph Alvah " 

Lons: Island Historical Soc, Brooklyn. 

Lowell City Library, Lowell, Mass. 

Maine Historical Society, Portland. 

Maine State Library, Augusta. 

Maling, Henry IVIartyn Portland. 

Manning, Prentice Cheney " 

Manson, Alfred Small Boston. 

Massachusetts Hist. Society, *' 

Massachusetts State Library, " 

Merrill, Margaret T. W. Portland. 

Mosely, Edward Strong Newburyport, Mass. 

New Bedford Public Library, New Bedford, Mass. 

Newberry Library, Chicago. 

New Eno-land Historic Genea- 

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New York Historical Society, New York. 

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Noyes, Edward Ailing 
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Pennsylvania Hist. Society, 
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Shapleigh, Waldron 
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U. S, Dept. of State Library, 

Portland. - 


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Hanover, N. H. 

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I Boston. 

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Williamson, Joseph 
Wisconsin State' Hist. Society, 
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Woodbury, Charles Levi 
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Worcester Free Public Library, 

Belfast, Me. 
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Woburn, Mass. 
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Worcester, Mass. 


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